"The first part of the study focuses on the EU’s internal policies in the field of online content regulation. Drawing on case-studies of three EU directives – Directive 2000/31/EC on e-commerce, Directive 2011/93/EU on combating the sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children and child porn
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ography and Directive 2004/48/EC on intellectual property rights enforcement – the study seeks to illustrate how dealing with alleged illegal content through blocking, filtering and take-down of content within co- and self-regulatory frameworks shaped around ‘Internet intermediaries’ challenge freedom of expression and information. The directives presuppose, accept or encourage self-regulation and, combined with schemes of limited liability, subject the intermediaries to an increasing pressure to implement public policy in the online domain. However, these practices and their limitations to freedom of expression are rarely framed as human rights issues, nor do they have the required safeguards. Based on analysis of the EU directives, the study explores the weaknesses – seen from a human rights perspective – of the European approach towards tackling illegal content on the Internet. The study provides a number of suggestions to ensure that the EU addresses the human rights implications of co- and self-regulation, including the strengthening of safeguards and guidance for Member States and intermediaries to implement the said EU policy. Also, the study calls for a comprehensive EU freedom of expression and information framework, covering both its internal and external policy. In line with this, the EU should consider the freedom of expression and information implications of current and new policies when reviewing them according to the Digital Single Market Strategy.
The second part addresses the external policies of the EU with a focus on the protection and support of Human Rights Defenders using digital means (‘Digital Defenders’). For this purpose, EU policies and instruments of relevance for Digital Defenders are analysed, including the implementation of the Internet Freedom Strategy and the No Disconnect Strategy. The programmes under the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights are reviewed with respect to their relevance for human rights activities online, taking into account the recent EU Guidelines on Freedom of Expression Online and Offline. This part of the study also explores the related issues of the safety of journalists (which are often citizen journalists), export control of surveillance technology by the EU Member States and the cooperation with other international organisations active in the field of online rights. Proposals are offered on how to improve the general environment for Digital Defenders and their right to freedom of expression and information, and how to improve the coherence of EU action in this field. The newly created Human Rights Defenders Mechanism can play a pivotal role in this regard, as could updated EU Guidelines on human rights defenders." (Executive summary)
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"Morocco’s 2015 Press Code eliminates prison as a punishment for speech offenses. This, on its face, represents progress for freedom of expression in a country where journalists and ordinary citizens have been locked up for “insulting” the king, questioning Morocco’s claim over Western Sahar
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a, or rapping about police corruption. The Red Lines Stay Red: Morocco’s Reform of its Speech Laws analyzes the laws governing speech offenses in Morocco and finds that the recent overhaul falls well short of securing freedom of speech as guaranteed by international conventions and Morocco’s own 2011 constitution. Imprisonment as punishment for crossing Morocco’s famous “red lines” – causing harm to Islam, “territorial integrity,” the institution of the monarchy, or the person of the king – is alive and well. While the new press code punishes “red line” offenses only with the suspension of publications, judges can, thanks to new provisions of the penal code, still hand down prison sentences for these offenses. In addition, the penal code continues to mandate prison sentences for other speech offenses such as “insulting” state institutions or state agents, and broadly defined notions of “praising terrorism,” “casting discredit on judicial decisions,” and “inciting hatred or discrimination." (Back cover)
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"The current study explores the influence of communication variables on human rights protection. The effects of international and domestic mass communication and digital media were assessed among global social, economic, and political factors. The statistical analyses on a sample of 101 nation state
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s over the most recent decade reveal several important findings: (a) top-down, internationally initiated human rights discourse and monitoring were not as effective as bottom-up, domestically initiated human rights dialogues; (b) access to the Internet and access to a mobile phone have different effects on human rights performance, and Internet availability played an especially important role; (c) economic development, political system, and population size are powerful predictors of nations' human rights performance, but a large population size diminishes the effect of economic development; and (d) economic development can moderate the effect of political context on human rights performance. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed." (Abstract)
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"Volume 1 of the Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa is a practical guide for journalists practicing in Burundi, Eritrea and Ethiopia. The handbook not only contains a comprehensive overview of applicable media laws for each country reviewed, it also contains suggestions on possible law reforms to
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improve the protection of media in these countries." (Publisher description)
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"Contrary to dominant views within international law and institutions, it is never democratically legitimate to punish citizens solely for repulsive or dangerous viewpoints expressed within public discourse. With the controversial exception of the US, however, most states prohibit some forms of raci
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st, sexist, anti-religious, homophobic, or other intolerant speech. Hateful expression surely does afflict many of the people it targets. Most democracies therefore describe bans as—perhaps not always effective, but certainly symbolic—tools for defending the safety and equality of all citizens. Democracies must certainly promote pluralism, then, through comprehensive non-discrimination policies governing education, employment, and access to goods and services. States must promote values of equal citizenship through primary schooling and public interest campaigns, and must support models of best practice within the mass media. It is also legitimate for states to punish hate speech promulgated outside public discourse, as in situations involving harassment or so-called ‘fighting words’. Hate speech bans may even offer legitimate means of enhancing state security in unstable situations, as have at times arisen, for example, in India, Israel, Northern Ireland, or transitional democracies. Hate speech bans may genuinely enhance elements of state security, then, but they never enhance its democracy. We have overlooked that distinction through our failure to distinguish the three very distinct spheres of security, rights, and democracy. Those security or rights-based criteria which legitimate a state as a state are not the same as those which legitimate it as a democracy." (Publisher description)
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"Ky studim shqyrton hollësitë e jurisprudencës së Gjykatës Evropiane të të Drejtave të Njeriut për fyerjen. Ai eksploron një gamë çështjesh materiale dhe procedurore që ka marrë në shqyrtim gjykata dhe sqaron konceptin e fyerjes duke e parë në raport me lirinë e shprehjes dhe deba
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tin publik. Ai shpjegon sesi ligjet për fyerjen që parashikojnë mbrojtje tejet të gjerë kanë efekt frenues mbi lirinë e shprehjes dhe debatin publik dhe diskuton proporcionalitetin e ligjeve mbi fyerjen dhe zbatimin e tyre." (Back cover)
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"Voters need and deserve to hear a full range of voices as they decide their future and 'The Post' has played a vital role in providing an alternative to government-dominated mass media in Zambia. Unshackling that voice is critical if Zambians are to vote in an atmosphere that can be deemed free and
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fair. The ZRA has refused to work with The Post to reconcile its disputed debts and allow payment, making the seizure appear to be an effort by President Lungu to silence a persistent critic in order to hold on to power. IPI and the AMI are concerned that, if allowed to stand, the effort could have an extremely negative impact on democracy in the region, insofar as other leaders might take note and seek to misuse state power to similar ends." (Conclusion)
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"This report outlines the international human rights standards and processes related the protection of freedom of expression and religious belief, and discusses regional trends and challenges. The nine country case studies include the stories of many people across the region struggling to defend fre
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edom of expression and promote an understanding of free expression that this is consistent with the expression of religious views. Some of the stories are horrifying – people are being killed for what they believe and say while exercising their rights to express that belief. It also provides an overview of the relevant laws and standards which impinge on people’s rights in each of these countries. It is a challenge to governments in the region to recognise their responsibility to protect the rights of their own citizens. The Jakarta Declaration set out in this report is a stirring declaration of the responsibilities, not just of governments but of all the relevant actors. It set out a clear path to the essential task of protecting rights to free expression in the region and ultimately, to the protection of religious belief itself." (Andrew Puddephatt, page 8)
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"Blurring the Lines: Market-Driven and Democracy-Driven Freedom of Expression focuses on challenges from the market to free speech and how free speech can be protected, promoted and developed when lines between journalism and advertising are blurred. With contributions from 20 scholars in law, media
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studies and philosophy, it explores an issue deserving greater attention, market pressures on freedom of expression. The role of commercial constraints on speech, restrictions and control of media content and the responsibility of state institutions in protecting free speech are some of the topics scrutinized from a democratic free speech perspective." (Back cover)
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"This study examines the voluminous case law of the European Court of Human Rights (“The Court”) relating to freedom of expression and defamation. It starts by clarifying the concept of defamation and positioning it in relation to freedom of expression and public debate. It explains how defamati
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on laws that are overly protective of reputational interests and that provide for far-reaching remedies or sanctions can have a chilling effect on freedom of expression and public debate. The principle of proportionality in respect of defamation laws and their application is therefore very important when it comes to preventing such a chilling effect." (Executive summary)
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"Volume 2 of the Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa is a practical guide for journalists practising in Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda. The handbook not only contains a comprehensive overview of applicable media laws for each country reviewed, it also contains suggestions on possible law reforms to impr
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ove the protection of media in these countries." (Publisher description)
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"This is a book about free speech narratives. Stories about how imagination and rational thinking in wildly different cultures capture, imagine, and conceptualize what freedom of speech means. 1989 and 2011 are only two recent (in historic perspective) turning points when freedom of speech and freed
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om of the press emerged, or at least powerful efforts were made to support its emergence, although disheartening backlashes followed in several countries. This book also tells many other free speech narratives that emerged, or evolved outside the frames of 1989 and 2011, also with several troublesome repercussions. The fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the year of largely velvet revolutions (in the words of Vaclav Havel), brought freedom of speech to Central Europe and Eastern Europe. It also increased the hope that freedom of speech and democracy can prevail in more and more countries on the earth. This book examines, in some historic perspective, to what extent this hope has become reality since and prior to 1989, also in light of the Arab revolutions of 2011." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Although many observers have documented a global decline in democratic rights in recent years, people around the world nonetheless embrace fundamental democratic values, including free expression. A new Pew Research Center survey finds that majorities in nearly all 38 nations polled say it is at le
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ast somewhat important to live in a country with free speech, a free press and freedom on the internet. And across the 38 countries, global medians of 50% or more consider these freedoms very important. Still, ideas about free expression vary widely across regions and nations. The United States stands out for its especially strong opposition to government censorship, as do countries in Latin America and Europe – particularly Argentina, Germany, Spain and Chile. Majorities in Asia, Africa and the Middle East also tend to oppose censorship, albeit with much less intensity. Indonesians, Palestinians, Burkinabe and Vietnamese are among the least likely to say free expression is very important." (Page 4)
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"Six in 10 respondents (62%) access news media daily. Radio remains the leading source of news but is declining in importance as television and the Internet build their audiences. A solid majority (57%) of Africans demand press freedom, endorsing the media’s right to publish what it wants without
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government interference. Africans also support an active “watchdog” role for the press: On average, 69% believe that the media should exercise this role. Similarly, a majority (64%) believe the media is effective in exposing government mistakes and corruption. More than one-third (36%) of respondents say the media “often” or “always” publishes things it knows are not true. In some countries, this perception is shared by large majorities of citizens." (Key findings, page 2)
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"There are a multitude of UN legal instruments which pertain to the rights of freedom of expression and information, and this book is the first to comprehensively map them and their function. It details the chequered history of both rights within the UN system and evaluates the suitability of the sy
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stem for overcoming contemporary challenges and threats to the rights. Leading scholars address key issues, such as how the rights to freedom of expression and information can come into conflict with other human rights and with public policy goals, such as counter-terrorism. The book's institutional focus comprises five international treaties, UNESCO and the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression." (Publisher description)
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"UNESCO’s vision of universal Knowledge Societies builds on a free, open and trusted Internet that enables people to not only have the ability to access information resources from around the world, but to also contribute information and knowledge to local and global communities. What can UNESCO do
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to move towards the realization of this vision of Internet-enabled Knowledge Societies that can foster inclusive sustainable human development worldwide? To address this question within the mandate of this study, UNESCO has worked with Member States and other stakeholders to analyse four separate but interdependent fields of Internet policy and practice, within the mandate of UNESCO, perceived to be central to achieving this vision. These are access to information and knowledge, freedom of expression, privacy, and ethical norms and behaviour online. This report assesses these four fields by viewing them as keystones for building a free and trusted global Internet that will enable inclusive Knowledge Societies." (Executive summary)
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"Ranking Digital Rights’ inaugural Corporate Accountability Index evaluates 16 of the world’s most powerful Internet and telecommunications companies on their commitments, policies, and practices that affect users’ freedom of expression and privacy. By opening the door for greater corporate tr
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ansparency and public scrutiny of business practices, the Index encourages companies to do a better job of respecting their users’ rights around the globe [...] Highlights: There are no “winners.” Even companies in the lead are falling short. Across the board, companies need to improve their disclosure of policies and practices that affect users’ freedom of expression and privacy, as well as their commitments to these human rights. Only six companies scored at least 50 percent of the total possible points. The highest score was only 65 percent." (Executive summary)
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