"For decades, Georgia has been one of the largest per capita recipients of U.S. assistance. In 2012-2023, the years in which the Georgian Dream has been in power, total U.S. overseas development assistance (ODA) stands at USD 1 billion 920 mil lion, according to official data. Of course, the lion’
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s share of that assistance went to the government and public administration. In 2023, the U.S. government disbursed USD 143.8 million in aid to Georgia, with USD 84.5 million flowing through USAID as the primary administra tive channel. USD 77 million of that was allocated to governance-related programs, but where did all that money go? Once again, most of the assistance went to the government and public administration. To give a representative example in 2023, the last fiscal year when complete data is available, the largest share, at USD 42 million, was spent under “conflict, peace, and security” umbrella, while USD 34 million fell under “government and civil society.” Of this amount, USD 15 million support ed democratic participation and civil society, USD 6.5 million went toward legal and judicial develop ment, and USD 3.5 million was directed at media and freedom of information. Human rights programs received USD 2.1 million, while decentralization efforts got USD 600,000. Meanwhile, USD 470,000 was allocated to domestic revenue mo bilization and USD 450,000 was used to combat transnational organized crime [...] Our considered estimate is that over 2,000 Georgians are likely to lose jobs due to culling USAID, given the average number of programs, grants, and sub-grants, and the average number of people required to implement them. Most of them are qualified (first and medium-level) project and program managers with foreign language skills as well as administrative personnel (e.g., financial officers), and other support professions (e.g., media managers)." (Pages 1-3)
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"This open access book provides practical guidance for non-profits and community sector organisations about how to get started with data analytics projects using their own organisations' datasets and open public data. The book shares best practices on collaborative social data projects and methodolo
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gy. For researchers, the work offers a playbook for partnering with community organisations in data projects for public good and gives worked examples of projects of various sizes and complexity." (Publisher description)
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"Governments in the Asia-Pacific region have responded to human rights defenders' (HRD’s) new online advocacy strategies, affecting their online advocacy through the use of legal and non-legal measures to harass them and impede their work. Against this backdrop, National Human Rights Institutions
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(NHRIs) have a mandate to protect human rights, including those of HRDs. The Marrakech Declaration of 2018, outlined a framework for NHRIs to support HRDs, emphasising both offline and online civic space. However, there is a need for NHRIs to adapt these plans to address digital security threats to HRDs.
This report contributes to this goal by outlining four specific ways through which HDRs are threatened online. First, it shows that, in the Asia-Pacific region, HRDs often face legal threats through laws related to defamation, insult, and "fake news”, as well as broader online regulations granting government authorities extensive powers to limit online freedoms. Second, governments have disrupted online communications by limiting or suspending internet connectivity. Some countries control internet gateways to regulate information flow, and during political instability, internet service providers (ISPs) and mobile carriers are ordered to restrict internet speed or access. Third, governments in the region use technology for legal and covert mass data collection and surveillance. They create national internet gateways for centralized control, consolidating information and data storage. Lastly, HRDs encounter digital threats from “cybertroops”, combining human operatives and bots on social media to influence public opinion in favour of the government. Governments are complicit by showing minimal commitment to addressing the problem. Identifying these threats is the basis for this report to recognise the efforts and limitations of NHRIs in ensuring HRDs’ rights online in three areas - monitoring and reporting; advocacy and awareness-rising; and capacity and network building - and provide a set of recommendations aimed at increasing NHRI’s institutional capacity." (Executive summary)
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"At a time when uneven power dynamics are high on development actors' agenda, this book will be an important contribution to researchers and practitioners working on innovation in development and civil society. While there is much discussion of localization, decolonization and 'shifting power' in ci
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vil society collaborations in development, the debate thus far centers on the aid system. This book directs attention to CSOs as drivers of development in various contexts that we refer to as the Global South. This book take a transformative stance, reimagining roles, relations and processes. It does so from five complementary angles: (1) Southern CSOs reclaiming the lead, 2) displacement of the North-South dyad, (3) Southern-centred questions, (4) new roles for Northern actors, and (5) new starting points for collaboration. The book relativizes international collaboration, asking INGOs, Northern CSOs, and their donors to follow Southern CSOs' leads, recognizing their contextually geared perspectives, agendas, resources, capacities, and ways of working. Based in 19 empirically grounded chapters, the book also offers an agenda for further research, design, and experimentation. Emphasizing the need to 'Start from the South' this book thus re-imagines and re-centers Civil Society collaborations in development, offering Southern-centred ways of understanding and developing relations, roles, and processes, in theory and practice." (Publisher description)
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"In 10 Kapiteln werden traditionelle und neue Erscheinungsformen der Zivilgesellschaft einander gegenübergestellt. Als Folien dienen ein analytisches Bereichskonzept von Zivilgesellschaft, die Hirschmansche Einteilung in ‚loyal, exit, voice‘ und die im Maecenata Institut entwickelte Funktionsdi
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fferenzierung. In Anlehnung an das Habermassche Konzept der deliberativen Demokratie wird die politische Dimension von Zivilgesellschaft herausgestellt. Vermittelt werden sollen Grundlagen, Strömungen, Diskurse und Verknüpfungsansätze, die das soziale Phänomen beschreiben, einordnen und theoretisch begründen. Dazu werden die maßgeblichen Autoren mit ihren Kernaussagen vorgestellt und die Diskurse und Forschungslinien beleuchtet, die die Theoriebildung und Praxisentwicklung zur Zivilgesellschaft bestimmt haben. Die Vielseitigkeit der Herangehensweise und die damit verbundene interdisziplinäre Anknüpfbarkeit bieten Chancen für vielseitige Erkenntnisgewinne." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"By understanding the ontogenesis of NGOs as civil society organizations from a historical-anthropological, communicational, sociological, economical and managerial perspective, Evandro Oliveira outlines the Instigatory Theory of NGO Communication (ITNC). This proposes the ontological principles, an
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applied conceptual model and a cybernetic operational model for understanding and managing communication at NGOs. Those models were tested using a mixed-method research design." (Publisher description)
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"Längst hat der digitale Wandel auch die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und die Humanitäre Hilfe verändert. Das Internet bietet die Chance, die Lebensbedingungen vieler Menschen durch Zugang zu Wissen und zu neuen Möglichkeiten der politischen und ökonomischen Teilhabe zu verbessern. Auch Nichtregi
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erungsorganisationen (NRO) nutzen diese Chance bereits jetzt. Bildungs-, Ernährungs- oder Gesundheitsprojekte und viele andere Vorhaben profitieren vom Einsatz digitaler Technologien. Wie das geschieht, wollen wir mit dieser Publikation an Beispielen aus der Praxis zeigen. Nachahmung und Weiterentwicklung der hier vorgestellten Ansätze und Instrumente sind explizit erwünscht. Im Digitalisierungsdiskurs geht es aber um mehr als die rein technische Innovation. Unsere Aufgabe als Nichtregierungsorganisationen ist es deshalb auch, uns den zentralen politischen Herausforderungen einer gerechten Digitalisierung zu stellen. Denn wer bereits jetzt ökonomisch und politisch gut dasteht, hat die größten Chancen, die Digitalisierung für sich nutzen zu können. Die sogenannte digitale Kluft betrifft sehr häufig Frauen und ländliche Bevölkerungen, die einen deutlich schlechteren Zugang zu digitalen Dienstleistungen haben. Auch Gruppen, die aus ethnischen oder anderen Gründen benachteiligt werden, sind oft aufgrund fehlender oder schlechter Infrastruktur vom Zugang ausgeschlossen. Darüber hinaus begegnen uns in der Digitalwirtschaft Phänomene, die uns auch in anderen Bereichen zu schaffen machen: Monopolstellungen multinationaler Großkonzerne, ungenügende rechtliche Rahmensetzungen für Unternehmen und das Streben nach maximalen Gewinnen auf Kosten von Mensch und Umwelt. Hinzukommen Orwellsche Alpträume totaler Kontrolle und Überwachung. Neue Technologien können einen wichtigen Beitrag zu Erreichung entwicklungspolitischer Ziele leisten. Sie können Entwicklung aber auch behindern oder gar negative Folgen für die Menschen vor Ort haben. Genau deswegen ist die Auseinandersetzung mit dem digitalen Wandel und dessen Steuerung eine zunehmend bedeutende entwcklungspolitische Aufgabe für Nichtregierungsorganisationen." (Vorwort)
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"Social media in China has not only become a popular means of communication, but also expanded the interaction between the government and online citizens. Why have some charitable crowdfunding campaigns had agenda-setting influence on public policy, while others have had limited or no impact? Based
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on an original database of 188 charitable crowdfunding projects currently active on Sina Weibo, we observe that over 80 per cent of long-term campaigns do not have explicit policy aspirations. Among those pursuing policy objectives, however, nearly two-thirds have had either agenda-setting influence or contributed to policy change. Such campaigns complement, rather than challenge existing government priorities. Based on field interviews (listed in Appendix A), case studies of four micro-charities – Free Lunch for Children, Love Save Pneumoconiosis, Support Relief of Rare Diseases, and Water Safety Program of China – are presented to highlight factors that contributed to their variation in public outcomes at the national level. The study suggests that charitable crowdfunding may be viewed as an “input institution” in the context of responsive authoritarianism in China, albeit within closely monitored parameters." (Abstract)
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"Throughout the 2000’s, NGOs experimented with promoting “Donate Now” buttons and online donation pages, and through a process of trial and error, learned a winning strategy that still works today. Specifically, NGOs that are successful at online fundraising have embraced a content strategy of
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regularly publishing news articles and blog posts focused on stories of hope and empathy that include a prominent call-togive which are then shared in email updates and fundraising appeals. Posting the same content on social media also inspires online giving, but as of 2018, email is still the most powerful online fundraising tool." (Key findings)
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"Ashoka is an organization that supports social entrepreneurs around the world and has the longest track record of doing so. It has identified and supported over 3,500 “Ashoka Fellows,” many of whom are in the media sector. Therefore, Ashoka sits on a treasure trove of data on transformative med
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ia innovations. We analyzed this data to understand how social entrepreneurs around the world are trying to improve the media landscape, assessed the most successful approaches, and identified gaps that social entrepreneurship has not yet filled. To do so, we selected a subset of Ashoka Fellows whose primary aim is to improve the media landscape and who are demonstrably making a substantial impact. We call them “Core Media Fellows” and selected them from an initial pool of 231 Fellows, after gathering extensive data and applying rigorous selection criteria to identify the final cohort. Each of these fifty social entrepreneurs seeks to harness the tectonic shifts under way in the global media landscape to more constructively serve societal interests. Among the group, we found stunning diversity. For example, Core Media Fellows hailed from twenty-two countries. But we also discerned broad similarities. Indeed, each of the fifty Fellows pursued one of five overarching goals: Improving the infrastructure and environment within which the media operates; Improving standards of reporting to strengthen the quality of journalism; Ensuring the media is a vehicle for civic engagement; Making the media a self-sustaining business; Increasing media literacy by providing the public with diverse and representative content. Our study of social entrepreneurs reveals important lessons—spanning strategies to represent marginalized voices to partnership models within and beyond the media industry—for how to transform the media. But it also uncovers areas of need, such as business model innovations, where too few social entrepreneurs have found the support to pilot approaches that ultimately could reverse the media’s declining fortunes." (Pages 1-2)
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"This article presents an ethnographic approach to how low-income Brazilians of impoverished urban areas have engaged in community journalism and media activism. Exploring empirical materials collected during a seven-year research process (2009-2016), the article has two main objectives. One is to a
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nalyze how low-income youth reflect on their own processes of engagement in communication for social change (CFSC). Another objective is to demonstrate how ethnography can provide in-depth analyses of trajectories and initiatives in CFSC. The article primarily focuses on retrospective accounts of young adults who had participated in media-educational projects by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and subsequently became active agents of change in, through and about media. The analysis of these accounts indicates how the participation in NGO projects characterize actions for self-development. It also demonstrates how interactions among participants–not necessarily anticipated by NGOs –are crucial for low-income youth to engage in activist media and journalism in peripheral Rio de Janeiro. The article ends with a reflection about how ethnography is a useful method to add in-depth qualitative layers to the evaluation of CFSC initiatives." (Abstract)
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"The vast majority of survey respondents, irrespective of their gender and geographical location, recognized the importance of media, particularly electronic media. They acknowledged media role in keeping people informed, entertained and opinion formation. Although people heralded the media for focu
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sing on some burning issues related to women, marginalized and deprived groups of people, they were aware of the weaknesses of the sector arising from political pressure and polarization, and the lack of professional competence and ethics. They hope for the media to be more neutral and provide accurate news and information with a local focus. While women agreed that media contributed to their well-being, marginalized communities did not feel they were adequately represented by the media in voicing issues and concerns particular to them. Electronic media (television, radio and mobile phones) was found most popular among respondents and participants, and they felt FM radio stations and content distributed over mobile phones, were most likely to influence people, their thoughts, ideas, opinions. Print media, especially newspapers, were still popular in the urban areas whereas social media was gaining popularity throughout the country." (Summary of findings, page 35)
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"As international donors pour money into global human rights promotion, many governments—as well as scores of scholars and activists—fear a subtle, Western-led campaign for political, economic, and cultural domination. This book asks: What do publics in the global South think? Drawing on surveys
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in India, Mexico, Morocco, and Nigeria, the book finds most people are in fact broadly supportive of human rights discourse, trust local, rights-promoting organizations, and do not view human rights as a tool of foreign powers. Pro-human rights constituencies, rather, tend to be highly skeptical of the U.S. government, of multinational corporations, and of their own governments. However, this generalized public support for the human rights “brand” is not grounded in strong commitments of public effort or money, or in dense social ties to the nongovernmental rights sector. Publics in the global South rarely give to their local rights groups, and few local rights organizations attempt to raise funds apart from foreign aid. This strategy is becoming increasingly untenable as governments crack down on foreign aid to civil society. The book also analyzes the complex relationships between religion and human rights, finding that public or social elements of religiosity are often associated with less support for human rights organizations. Personal religiosity, on the other hand, is often associated with more human rights support." (Publisher description)
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"Overall, the program set out what it achieved to do—namely to strengthen the institutional capacity of civil society organizations to improve their credibility, visibility, effectiveness and sustainability. There is evidence that many partner CSOshave refined theirmission, developed a multi-year
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strategic plan, a communications plan, a gender policy and an HR policy. In addition, they are beginning to integrate new financial reporting and M&E structures. All of the partner CSOs have improved their sustainability byreceiving additional funds to continue their work, and many of them hav developed strategies to diversify their revenue generation, such as expanding their offices to rent out board rooms. A number of organizations are eager to pass their new knowledge onto others, with many training peer CSOs on what they learned through the Search program. Finally, the program was effective in improving their own confidence, with all of the partner CSOs expressing their appreciation of the program, and in particular the freedom they had to define their own priorities and objectives.A number of lessons emerged during the course of implementation that are relevant for Search’s future work in civil society strengthening, as well as for other organizations working in this sector: 1. The participatory benchmarking approach is useful to help organizations track improvments in their organziational capacity over time. However, there was a tendency for CSOs to overstate what was possible within a limited timeframe. As a result, benchmarks were not consistently met, and many of the capacity-related development were not fully institutionalized by the project end. 2. The integration of radio programs with other civil society organizing approaches—town hall meetings, workshops, and house to house outreach—is an effective way to improve awareness and engagement of citizens in governance reform issues on a mass scale. 3. Programs to improve the capacity and sustainability of CSOs, and to professionalize the sector, are crucial but often overlooked, in efforts to improve local governance in fragile and trasitional countries such as Liberia. 4. There is a need to continue efforts to link civil society actors together for cohesive action and to further improve the enabling environment for civil society in Liberia by providing opportunities for CSOs to develop strategic collaborations, improve organizational capacity development, and attract donor funds to support their work." (Conclusions)
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"[This] report is an inaugural effort to gain a better understanding of how non-governmental organizations (NGOs) worldwide use online technology to communicate with their supporters and donors. Over the last two decades the NGO sector has embraced Internet technology, but at varying speeds based up
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on the Internet infrastructure of the country in which they reside. Social, economic, and political factors in each of the world’s countries have either hastened or hindered the development of Internet infrastructure, yet there is little research that compares NGOs globally and their use of online technology." (Page 2)
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