"The history of Uganda from the days of Colonial Rule, when modern mass media was introduced was revisited. The thesis of this study was that the substance of the political governance model inherited from Uganda’s colonial past continues in the postindependence period to define the relationship be
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tween the media and government on the one hand, and within media industry itself. This governance model was grounded in power monopoly, power domination, and power preservation, with the ensuing characteristics of exclusiveness, privilege and intolerance of opposition, difference and diversity. State power was not informed by the discourse of good governance nor did it cater for a democratic environment. Legislative, administrative and strong-arm measures were all strategies of power and control that the colonial government deployed to manage a media deemed non-compliant, and thereby maintain and protect the supremacy of its rule. By the same token, the anti-media freedom measures were also an implicit recognition of the power of the press, understood as a subversive threat." (Conclusion, page 90-91)
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"While some of the mentioned problems are inherent to any comparison of media policy and regulation and are hard to avoid (e.g., due to changing regulation or differences in regulatory regimes), other pitfalls may be bypassed and pave the way for future research. First, a theory-driven approach to a
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ny (comparative) research is essential [...] Second, scholars should try to adopt methods of comparative politics to the analysis of media systems, media policy, and media regulation [...] Third, comparisons of media policy and media regulation beyond the North Atlantic zone are needed." (Page 229)
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"Concentrated and usually conservative media are characteristic of Latin American countries, and at the same time these structures undermine meaningful democracy. Given the political influence of large media conglomerates, even most center-left governments are reluctant to limit the power of influen
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tial companies. Argentina, however, passed a new comprehensive media law in 2009 designed to democratize the media sector. This article traces the origins of the law and analyzes the strategies of the actors involved, with the focus resting on the roles of social movements and large media companies. The article then presents the main features of the new regulation that social movements now take as a model case for other countries. I argue that the new law originates from an unusually participatory legislative process and furthers the democratization of communication. The passage of this law is explained through the associational capabilities of the movement, the potent framing of media regulation as a matter of democracy and the changing mediaÞstate dynamics that disrupted the long-standing mutually supporting ties between the dominant Clarín Group and the government." (Abstract)
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"Petros Iosifidis addresses an increasingly prominent subject area in the field of media and communications, and one that has attracted increased attention in areas such as sociology, economics, political science and law: global media policy and regulation. Specifically, he considers the wider socia
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l, political, economic and technological changes arising from the globalization of the communications industries and assesses their impact on matters of regulation and policy. By focusing on the convergence of the communication and media industries, he makes reference to the paradigmatic shift from a system based on the traditions of public service in broadcast and telecommunications delivery to one that is demarcated by commercialization, privatization and competition. In doing so, Iosifidis tackles a key question in the field: to what extent do new media developments require changes in regulatory philosophy and objectives. It considers the various possible meanings of the public interest concept in exploring the different regulatory modes and the interplay between the local and the global in policy-making." (Publisher description)
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"The majority of political elites still consider media as a central instrument for manipulating public opinion [...] Fortunately, long-standing debates illustrate that the critical attitude of journalists and civil society organisations has increased through new media developments. The demands for p
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ublic, state-independent broadcasting have been advanced and defended. As the comparison of legislative projects and concepts show, suggestions from civil society organisations have been incorporated over time. Discussions should be continued. They should be designed to involve as many civil society and political groups as well as state actors, especially the Ukrainian President, and convince them of the importance of state-distant public broadcasting. The aim of the talks should be the elaboration of a common denominator." (Conclusion)
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"The Handbook of Global Media and Communication Policy offers insights into the boundaries of this field of study, assesses why it is important, who is affected, and with what political, economic, social and cultural consequences. Provides the most up to date and comprehensive collection of essays f
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rom top scholars in the field includes contributions from western and eastern Europe, North and Central America, Africa and Asia; offers new conceptual frameworks and new methodologies for mapping the contours of emergent global media and communication policy; draws on theory and empirical research to offer multiple perspectives on the local, national, regional and global forums in which policy debate occurs." (Publisher description)
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"This book, through five case studies in India, explores communication rights movements here. It encompasses pivotal areas of movements, such as, Right to Information, Free and Open Source Software, Women and Media, and Community Radio and Citizen Journalism. The complexity of specific agendas in In
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dia, such as, rights of women, citizen activism and role of media is analyzed while placing the subject in a broader theoretical context. The author makes a strong case of the right of people to be able to access information. He also explores processes through which ordinary citizens are able to develop spaces for self-expression; a concept synonymous with media democratization in this century. The author highlights the need to ‘localize’ communication rights struggles in those places facing real communication deficits daily." (Publisher description)
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"Divisive debates on what constitutes the Ethiopian nation, how the state should be structured and how power should be devolved, have dominated Ethiopia’s private press since the ruling party, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), came to power. The press has served as both
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a mirror reflecting these issues and a space for literate elites to engage in political debates. This article analyses the role of the media, and the press in particular, in Ethiopia’s political debates. It also explores how the tenets of ‘‘Revolutionary Democracy’’ have shaped the media. This has polarized Ethiopia’s media, which has been unable to effectively serve as a forum for the negotiation of political power or for reconciliation between divided sectors of society." (Abstract)
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"This article argues that for all the plaudits that it has received Botswana is not a true example of democracy. It only continues to shine because of its historical context and the elaborate machinations of the ruling party. It supports Good's (1996) thesis of Authoritarian Liberalism as an apt des
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cription of this style of leadership. The article articulates this by examining Botswana's media policy against the leadership of its first leader, Sir Seretse Khama (1965-1980), famous across the globe for his democratic credentials. Reference will also be made to the Masire (1980-1998) and Mogae (1998-2008) eras. It argues that the current climate of media tyranny and democratic erosion is a legacy of Khama's foundation." (Abstract)
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"Over time the governments of Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador have shown a growing willingness to shrug off even the harshest criticism from usually friendly forums such as the OAS and UNESCO. As the media is forced into silence and the independence of the judiciary is weakened, there are
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fewer and fewer options to induce these governments to change their behavior [...] Despite the seeming indifference of the leaders of the Bolivarian states to how their record on press freedom is perceived internationally, it is worth noting that the governments still respond to criticism, particularly if it does not come from the United States. One of the most effective tools remains sensitivity to the perceptions of Latin American colleagues and European leaders." (Conclusions, page 29)
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