"L’objectif de cette étude est de présenter et de décrire les axes et les éléments les plus importants en matière de politiques publiques médiatiques, à partir d’ expériences comparées et des standards consacrés par le droit et les organisations et instances internationales compétent
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es dans le domaine de la liberté d’expression et de la liberté d’information de façon particulière et pour ce qui est de la communication en général. La reconnaissance juridique par le droit international des droits à la liberté d’expression et à la liberté d’information constitue un point de départ fondamental pour bien comprendre le rôle de l’État, des politiques publiques et de la régulation dans le domaine de la communication. Le service public de l’audiovisuel est une activité de communication exercée sous la responsabilité des pouvoirs publics et ayant pour finalité de fournir aux citoyens des contenus audiovisuels qui répondent pleinement à leurs besoins en matière d’information, de culture, de formation et de divertissement. En principe, ces besoins ne sauraient être satisfaits par le simple fonctionnement du marché privé de la communication audiovisuelle. Les aides publiques constituent aussi un mécanisme important de support de la part de l’État aux médias et de configuration de politiques médiatiques à travers des actions positives. L’existence, dans une société, d’experts en matière de politiques publiques médiatiques constitue, sans doute, un élément de support très important à l’action de l’État, ainsi qu’une garantie de la qualité de ces politiques. Les experts peuvent jouer un rôle important en interne (en travaillant ou en fournissant des services aux instances publiques) ou en externe (dans l’exercice d’une fonction plutôt analytique ou même critique)." (Résumé, page 3)
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"Under the heading “Inclusive, independent media in a new democracy”, the 5th annual Myanmar Media Development Conference took place 7 – 8 November 2016 in Yangon, the first to be held under the new democratically elected government. The conference featured government representatives, media ow
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ners, human rights activists, and media practitioners from different ethnic backgrounds. A less stringent, hardtalk-like format paved the way for a less formal and more frank discussion than that of previous years. Gender inequality in media and the challenges of ethnic and community media were at the heart of discussions, where Minister of Information, U Pe Myint, expressed continued commitment to the media reform process. “This year’s meeting theme recognises that for media to develop, the country’s diverse voices, in terms of gender and ethnicity, must also be considered.” The exceptionally high turnout of more than 300 representatives from the media, government, military, judiciary, civil society and international press freedom organisations at the meeting was, if anything, a clear illustration of the continued sense of importance invested in the media reform process in Myanmar." (Page 7)
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"The conventional method for studying media systems has been to analyse the relationship between media and politics, based on Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) seminal research Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Their approach automatically places the nation-state as the key un
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it of analysis to understand why media systems are the way they are and why they change. Research that has advanced this endogenous method of analysis in countries outside of the Western, democratically advanced context, has brought to light the importance of including external factors in studying media systems. Building off this analytical direction, this thesis introduces three new external factors; foreign aid, the conditionalities attached to foreign aid, and the role of externally created Pan-African media policy agreements. Using a case study of Malawi, a small aid-dependent country in Southeast Africa, this research interrogates these three factors to reveal that foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that has been used for manipulating change and shaping the type of media Malawi has. Based on the country’s recent transformation from its authoritarian populist past towards the dominant liberal media model in 2012, this research also reassesses Hallin and Mancini’s convergence thesis, which claimed that most countries are ‘naturally’ heading towards the dominant liberal media model. Drawing on theoretical contributions made from the fields of international relations and international development, this thesis develops a critical international political economy approach to the theory of foreign intervention to challenge this claim." (Abstract)
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"This article presents and makes a case for the audience-Centred approach to media policymaking and research, and situates this discussion within the South African revision of the regulatory mechanism for the press. In South Africa the press accountability mechanism, the Press Council of South Afric
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a, has been subject to a near constant process of review and restructuring since 2010. This article discusses and contextualises these various South African reviews, with particular emphasis on the Press Freedom Commission, and weighs them against the audience-Centred approach to media policymaking which adopts a ground-up public-focused method in keeping with the principles of a participatory democracy. The findings indicate that however well intentioned, the various different attempts to review and restructure the press accountability system for South Africa fell short of substantive and meaningful audience or public participation, and resultantly the value and richness of public input and participation, which may have infused the process of policymaking with audience ownership, was lost." (Abstract)
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"Media freedom is still a fragile compromise in Tunisia and institutions and their rules are not as sustainable as one might wish for. The success of the transition process ultimately depends on the commitment of all elites to devote themselves to holding on to democracy. As could be observed in sev
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eral stages of the transition process, it was often the willingness of the political elites to make democratization work, even at the expense of their own power shares, which was essential for mastering the ride on the bumpy road of transition. However, in comparison to all other countries in the region Tunisia has found a way to negotiate its future without militant means, and, as Roxane Farmanfarmaian (2014, page 662) concludes, "a stage of no return is widely felt to have been achieved". Thus I can conclude optimistically that Tunisia's media transition might indeed become a success story." (Conclusion)
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"The article discusses the significance of the past in the planning of media policies in two neighbouring countries in Africa, namely Kenya and Tanzania. The theoretical frame is composed of four concepts: social imaginary, collective memory, domestication, and liminality. The scrutiny starts from t
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he last years of colonialism and ends with the present-day situation with online media. In both countries, the basic media approach is still distinctly top-down and focuses on authorities—either the state or market elites. Kenya appears as a representative of continuity, while the media history of Tanzania is filled with jerky turns. However, the Tanzanian mediascape comes closer to the ordinary person, thanks to the use of Kiswahili and colloquial vocabulary, while the press in Kenya remains very elite oriented. The far more advanced Kenyan information and communications technology (ICT) situation does not change the situation much, because at the citizen level, the emphasis in ICT development is on services, not citizens’ voices. The shadow of the state is strong." (Abstract)
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"Poland has become a crucial battleground in the drive by authoritarian-minded leaders to gain control over political discourse and limit media pluralism. The Law and Justice government has sought to control the media as part of a broader push to weaken checks and balances and silence independent vo
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ices. By rejecting the media’s independence, the government is deepening polarization within Poland. The fate of media freedom in Poland will herald either the continued march of populist authoritarianism around the world or a turning of the tide and a new period of democratic resilience. The EU and Poland’s allies, including the United States, should make clear that Poland’s best interests lie in respecting the media’s independence and allowing a diversity of views to flourish." (Key findings)
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"Recent media policy developments in Poland attract wide media coverage and the attention of governmental and non-governmental international and national organisations and bodies. This article aims at putting the debated regulatory changes into a relevant context through policy analysis. The normati
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ve concept against which the change will be tested, is media pluralism. Why? The concept of media pluralism is often viewed as an important condition for a well-functioning and democratic public sphere and media, while also incorporating political, economic and cultural value dimensions." (Page 197)
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"Maria Repnikova reveals the webs of an uneasy partnership between critical journalists and the state in China. More than merely a passive mouthpiece or a dissident voice, the media in China also plays a critical oversight role, one more frequently associated with liberal democracies than with autho
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ritarian systems. Chinese central officials cautiously endorse media supervision as a feedback mechanism, as journalists carve out space for critical reporting by positioning themselves as aiding the agenda of the central state. Drawing on rare access in the field, Media Politics in China examines the process of guarded improvisation that has defined this volatile partnership over the past decade on a routine basis and in the aftermath of major crisis events. Combined with a comparative analysis of media politics in the Soviet Union and contemporary Russia, the book highlights the distinctiveness of Chinese journalist-state relations, as well as the renewed pressures facing them in the Xi era." (Publisher description)
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"Der Autor konzeptualisiert Globale Medien- und Kommunikationspolitik erstmalig umfassend aus kommunikationswissenschaftlicher Perspektive und gibt einen umfassenden Einblick in die Herausbildung und den Wandel des über 150 Jahre alten Politikfeldes. Die Analyse zeigt, dass sich kommunikationspolit
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ische Entscheidungen auf globaler Ebene seit jeher in einem Spannungsverhältnis zwischen technischen, ökonomischen, kulturellen und sicherheitspolitischen Ansprüchen bewegen, und exemplifiziert die Befunde am Beispiel der ITU. Das Buch bietet einen literaturgesättigten Überblick und entwickelt zugleich eine fundierte theoretisch-konzeptionelle Perspektive auf das Politikfeld." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In Latin America, the role of the media in democratic societies has recently become the subject of public debates, struggles and political mobilizations that have denaturalized the existing media order and established a distinct policy agenda oriented towards media democratization. This region-wide
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trend – a counter-tendency to the globally dominant market-driven orientation of media and telecommunication policies – requires explanation. This article stresses that it cannot be attributed to a spontaneous reaction to market concentration or media elitism, just as it cannot be reduced to a top-down process driven by populist leaders seeking to control the media. Drawing on social movement literature, the article traces four interacting processes – domestic network mobilization, reframing processes, transnational activism and changes in political elite alignments – that have brought about the unprecedented politicization of the Latin American media order." (Abstract)
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"I am proud to present the first ever Media Development Policy. This is the first time in the history of the country that Government has come up with a policy that sets out its vision and mission to promote freedom of expression by guaranteeing press freedom. The Policy is anchored on four main pill
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ars namely: media freedom, media pluralism, media independence and safety of journalists. In this regard, the policy seeks to achieve the internationally agreed media development indicators namely: a system of regulation conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism and diversity of the media, professional and infrastructural capacity building and support institutions that underpin freedom of expression and media as a platform for democratic discourse." (Foreword)
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"What does it mean to support local media? How should we define local media in the first place? Christopher Ali delves into our ideas about localism and their far-reaching repercussions for the discourse of federal media policy and regulation. His critique focuses on the new interest in localism amo
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ng regulators in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. As he shows, the many different and often contradictory meanings of localism complicate efforts to study local voices. At the same time, market factors and regulators' unwillingness to critically examine local media blunt challenges to the status quo. Ali argues that reconciling the places where we live with the spaces we inhabit will point regulators toward effective policies that strengthens local media." (Publisher description)
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"To ensure that African media organizations remain viable players in this changing political and economic landscape, new coalitions need to be built and existing ones strengthened. The existing coalitions in the region display certain weaknesses: they tend to be unevenly spread across the region and
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they tend to focus on a narrow band of concerns. While the existing organizations do important work pertaining to legal protections, constitutional guarantees for freedom of expression, and the safety of journalists, they are weaker in the areas of digital access, infrastructure, and ICT policy. More capacity should be built to enable research into fast-evolving areas of the media such as digital, mobile, and social media, and the questions concerning freedom, independence, and sustainability that arise from this new and rapidly shifting arena. Instead of merely adding more networks and linking existing ones together across the region in a show of solidarity, there is a need for strategic thought around the type of collaborations needed in the region." (Recommendations, page 23)
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