"El presente libro pretende arrojar luz sobre la importancia de la educación polÃtica a partir de hallazgos por parte de una academia crÃtica y comprometida con la democracia y la paz y desarrollar recomendaciones prácticas para el diseño de la educación polÃtica en Colombia. También pretend
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e facilitar un intercambio de experiencias entre el mundo académico y la práctica de Colombia y Alemania y, de esta manera, posibilitar procesos de aprendizaje mutuo y entre disciplinas, asà como entre paÃses. De esta manera, el presente libro busca contribuir al objetivo del Instituto Colombo-Alemán para la Paz de fortalecer intercambios académicos en temas relevantes para la construcción de paz en Colombia y más allá de Colombia." (Prefacio)
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"If a society does not come to terms with horrific atrocities of the past, tensions may fast escalate into new strife. People must know the truth. The causes of violence must be spelt out and the perpetrators must be named. Otherwise, a new sense of mutual trust cannot grow. Such trust is needed for
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competent and reliable institutions of governance. Where, by contrast, the wounds of the past keep festering, a shared understanding of the common good cannot emerge, so a peaceful future stays unlikely." (Page 2)
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"This volume responds to the great need to rethink journalism from various perspectives including journalism training, research, the contents of the news media, language, media ethics, the safety of journalists and gender inequities in the news media." (Publisher description)
"Los medios de comunicación son grandes aliados en la sensibilización y apropiación del legado de la Comisión de la Verdad. El Informe Final brinda la oportunidad de difundirlo a través de una variedad de formatos innovadores que vayan más allá del registro de historias. Los contextos explica
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tivos que incluye el Informe Final se convierten en información novedosa para desarrollar durante un largo tiempo. Al momento de contrastar la información es recomendable escuchar y dar cabida a todas las voces. Procurar un relato humanizante. Ir más allá de lo evidente. Evidenciar los factores de persistencia del conflicto." (Algunas sugerencias y oportunidades periodÃsticas para el abordaje del Informe, página 209)
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"Reconciliación significa aceptar la verdad como condición para la construcción colectiva y superar el negacionismo y la impunidad. Significa tomar la determinación de nunca más matarnos y sacar las armas de la polÃtica. Significa aceptar que somos muchos —en diverso grado, por acción o por
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omisión— los responsables de la tragedia. Significa respetar al otro, a la otra, por encima de las herencias culturales y las rabias acumuladas. Significa tener en cuenta la herida del otro y sus preocupaciones e intereses. Significa construir de tal manera que el Estado, la justicia, la polÃtica, la economÃa y la seguridad estén al servicio de la dignidad humana igual y sagrada de los colombianos y colombianas. Significa que esto lo vamos a construir juntos o no habrá futuro para nadie, y para ir juntos tenemos que cambiar: que el actual Estado se transforme en un Estado para la gente, que los polÃticos paren la corrupción, que los empresarios no excluyan de la participación en la producción a una multitud que reclama el derecho a ser parte, que los que acaparan la tierra la entreguen; que cambien todos los que colaboran con el narcotráfico, con la guerra, con la exclusión, con la destrucción de la naturaleza. Que no haya más impunidad. Que los que siguen en la guerra entiendan que no hay derecho para seguir haciéndola porque no permite la democracia ni la justicia y solo trae sufrimientos. Que tenemos que construir desde las diferencias con esperanza y confianza colectiva para que seamos posibles hoy y en las generaciones de mañana." (Página 50-51)
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"Why and how can records serve as evidence of human rights violations, in particular crimes against humanity, and help the fight against impunity? Archives and Human Rights shows the close relationship between archives and human rights and discusses the emergence, at the international level, of the
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principles of the right to truth, justice and reparation. Through a historical overview and topical case studies from different regions of the world the book discusses how records can concretely support these principles. The current examples also demonstrate how the perception of the role of the archivist has undergone a metamorphosis in recent decades, towards the idea that archivists can and must play an active role in defending basic human rights, first and foremost by enabling access to documentation on human rights violations. Confronting painful memories of the past is a way to make the ghosts disappear and begin building a brighter, more serene future. The establishment of international justice mechanisms and the creation of truth commissions are important elements of this process. The healing begins with the acknowledgment that painful chapters are essential parts of history; archives then play a crucial role by providing evidence. This book is both a tool and an inspiration to use archives in defence of human rights." (Publisher description)
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"El presente trabajo nace de un acuerdo entre el DED y el IEP para realizar dos estudios sobre la implementación de las recomendaciones emitidas en el Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación . Este segundo trabajo trata sobre los medios de prensa y el Informe Final de la CVR; h
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a estado guiado por los siguientes propósitos: En primer lugar, analizar los mensajes aparecidos en los medios a raÃz de la CVR, intentando captar tendencias y ejes de reflexión. En este sentido, la intención ha sido conocer a los actores de la comunicación y la naturaleza de sus planteamientos. A continuación, precisar las dificultades polÃticas y metodológicas que, a juicio de los periodistas, han limitado la implementación de las recomendaciones de la CVR. Para ello, el trabajo se pregunta por el estado actual de las reparaciones y las razones para su retraso, conversando en profundidad con distintos agentes del proceso de comunicación." (Introducción, página 9)
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"Silence lies between forgetting and remembering. This book explores the ways in which different societies have constructed silences to enable men and women to survive and make sense of the catastrophic consequences of armed conflict. Using a range of disciplinary approaches, it examines the silence
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s that have followed violence in twentieth-century Europe, the Middle East and Africa. These essays show that silence is a powerful language of remembrance and commemoration and a cultural practice with its own rules. This broad-ranging book discloses the universality of silence in the ways we think about war through examples ranging from the Spanish Civil War and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the Armenian Genocide and South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Bringing together scholarship on varied practices in different cultures, this book breaks new ground in the vast literature on memory, and opens up new avenues of reflection and research on the lingering aftermath of war." (Publisher description)
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"If the dominant media stereotype portrays perpetrators as monsters, as ‘Prime Evil’, then the dominant academic image is the opposite. It paints them as ordinary people (gender ignored, but assumed as male) diligently under sway of modern bureaucratic compartmentalisation (the banality of evil
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thesis), or as obedient to authority and conforming to social pressures (the situationist thesis). No monsters here, just ordinary people under rather extraordinary circumstances. The moral message: we co uld all potentially become perpetrators, depending on the situation. There is a competing view: the perpetrator as a willing, even eager, executioner driven by strong negative emotions against the ‘other’. The scholarly world presents us with antagonistic perspectives. What picture do we get from narrative approaches, from stories told by those actually responsible for politically-related violence? First, there are only a few narrative studies. Second, they also paint competing pictures. On the one hand, is a picture of the perpetrator as a victim – of organisational routines, hierarchies, pressures and secrecy, and of dominant ideologies, as well as brutal initiation rites which instil the practice of obedience to authority. These narrative studies support the situationist and ordinary person line of explanation. They also correct the erstwhile neglect of gender issues by placing emphasis on masculinity as an important ingredient. On the other hand, the South African storytelling studies by Marks (2001), Straker (1992) and Campbell (1992) throw up a different picture.While victims in one sense – of Bantu education, poverty and violence at the hands of both state security agents and older vigilante groups – they are also action-oriented moral crusaders in defence of their communities and in politically-minded offensive against the apartheid state and its allies. Once again, we have contrasting and competing pictures of those responsible for political violence. In these particular storytelling perspectives, differences are partly due to the different positions of protagonists across the dividing line of power: state security personnel on the one hand and resistance activists on the other. Apart from the conflicting images from varying epistemological perspectives and different theoretical angles, the very label or category of a ‘perpetrator’ is more muddied, contested and problematic than a first glance would suggest. We described seven grey areas which challenge or disrupt the dominant binaries of victim-perpetrator and the triangular view of dramatis personae: perpetrator – ‘victim’ – bystander/observer.Moreover, in Chapter 4, we raise a number of moral quandaries or dilemmas in the study of those responsible for violence, which again dislodge the simple and tidy categories. Therefore a central component of the present study aims to problematise and disrupt the complacency of the very label and category of ‘perpetrator’. What should be done? In the face of these competing images and explanations we carve out a ‘third space’ beyond, or perhaps better, between the theoretical antagonisms of situationism versus agency (willing killers); among the grey areas between category labels of victim/perpetrator/bystander. Rather than this being seen as an alternative position, it should be read as an attempt at synthesis. Instead of the oppositional pairing of ‘either-or’, it should be seen in terms of the inclusive pairing ‘both-and’ (Foster, 1999).We argue that those responsible for violence should be regarded as potentially both victim and perpetrator, as well as both subject to circumstances/influences and active initiators." (Conclusion, page 321-322)
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