"Die Medien haben in den letzten 10 Jahren in Polen deutlich an Glaubwürdigkeit eingebüßt – gleichzeitig ist in der Bevölkerung das politische Interesse und Engagement gestiegen. Die auseinandergehende Wahrnehmung der Politik in den Bevölkerungsgruppen formt der unterschiedliche Medienkonsum.
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Die Vielzahl unterschiedlicher und widersprüchlicher Informationen in den Medien führt zu einer Erhärtung vorbestehender Meinungen und dem Emporkommen sog. informeller Meinungsführer." (Seite 1)
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"This paper explores how Malawian media utilise question time during press briefings to fulfil its watchdog role. Using the concept of ‘journalistic interview’, which treats interviews between journalists and politicians as an encounter of two institutions, each making a claim on its legitimacy,
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this study employed qualitative content analysis of 10 recorded political press briefings held between April 2019 and April 2020, a period dominated by many political press briefings. Malawi conducted tripartite elections in May 2019 and the Constitutional Court annulled the presidential election in February 2020 on grounds of serious irregularities. The analysis is complemented by interviews with 15 Malawian journalists and two major issues emerged. Question time gives Malawian journalists an opportunity to exercise their watchdog role although the occasion is sometimes abused by both parties involved in the interlocution. Secondly, political interests and power disparity between press briefing organisers and journalists compromise the independence of the press and its watchdog role." (Abstract)
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"Indonesia, the state with the largest Muslim population in the world, is in a process of continuous societal transformation. From the perspective of Media and Communication Studies, recent political developments towards an increasingly consolidated democratic system are of great interest. The compa
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rison with Germany may seem unusual and asymmetrical. The countries differ with regard to the religious and cultural practices, and media and social developments are neither intertwined nor similar at first glance. A closer look, however, reveals structural similarities between Germany and Indonesia: dynamics and regressions of political transformation under pressure from radical political movements; hyper-modernization in parts of the economies and social life-worlds of post-modern urbanization; a heritage of genocides and cultural struggles over the multi-ethnic and multi-religious fabrics of society. The book deals with the role media play in the course of these political, economic and cultural transformations. Do they ‘follow’ or ‘lead’ the changes in political systems and societies? What can countries learn from each other if they step outside the usual ethnocentric comparisons and engage in a more intense global dialogue? The book is a groundbreaking endeavour in comparative Media and Communication Studies and brings together well-known researchers from hitherto largely separated academic communities." (Publisher description)
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"Fundamentally, this paper argues that the lack of political will combined with the failure of state-building processes to develop the frameworks and institutions to support independent media is maintaining a media landscape that reflects the key political challenges of Iraq. The politics of success
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ive Iraqi governments continues to affect the functioning and the perception of the media, leaving them unable to provide content that can support democratic and transparent political processes. Attempts at media reform or support for sustainable, relevant, independent media platforms must take into account the wider context of Iraq and its political structures as well as the existing conditions of corruption and fragility. They also require much deeper consultation with local media stakeholders combined with a greater coordination with global initiatives to support the development of independent media." (Conclusion)
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"Lebanese society is famously, and even notoriously, fragmented, along both class and sectarian lines. Here, Nabil Dajani looks at how this societal division impacts on the nature of the mass media in Lebanon. Implementing the wider theory that the structure and content of mass media is unique to th
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e society within which it operates, he looks at how Lebanese media have often helped to sustain the sectarian divisions within Lebanese society. Dealing with newspapers, radio and television as well as new and emerging forms of communication, such as the internet, social media websites and blogs, he examines how the media both reflect societal realties as well as the ways they influence social consciousness. Beginning with an analysis of the socio-political context of modern-day Lebanon, Dajani critically examines the historical and current realities of the media in this country." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing from often overlooked sources of evidence, this report shows that China’s homegrown social media platforms have responded to market incentives by subtly shielding users from certain forms of online censorship and repression. Meanwhile, the party confronts rising costs—both economicall
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y and politically—for stamping out the diffuse forms of dissent that spread across these networks. Has the debate over the role of new communications technology in China’s political system really been decided? China’s $56 billion internet advertising market now dwarfs advertising in print, radio, and broadcast—and investments have frequently followed audiences to platforms where they feel free to express themselves. Chinese state officials are frequently raising concerns about the growing threat to the party’s control posed by social media, including the dangers of “out of control” algorithms. Hiding key indicators from the censors, reviving banned accounts, and creating opportunities for collective action: social media platforms are quietly and subtly testing the political boundaries in response to their audience’s preferences." (Key findings)
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"This rapid literature review will focus on the influence of government communication on the government-media relationship. It does not encompass other avenues through which government is able to affect the media environment such as legislation, public policy and political culture. The role of the p
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ublic media is briefly considered. This rapid literature review was able to find only one study, which examined the role of the government communication on media as part of a broader inquiry on the influence of government communication and public trust in the government of the United States (US) (Liu, Horsley, & Yang, 2012). Liu et al. (2012) found that there was a positive relationship between media interaction and good coverage of the US government. This finding suggests that governments may have an incentive to foster good relations with the media. The other main findings of the review are summarised below: Governments require a positive relationship with the media in order to communicate with the public and build legitimacy for their decisions (OECD, 2016); Media often rely on official government information, especially during war and conflict, and therefore need friendly relations with government to gain access to information (Yuksel, 2013); The engagement between elites, the media and the public is complex and is unlikely to be controlled or dominated by any particular set of actors (Yuksel, 2013); In some countries that were transitioning to democracy, development assistance for media has helped to foster media which is critical of the government, resulting in a tense relationship between media and government (Rub, 1996)" (Summary, page 2)
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"LA hat sich in den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten wie nie zuvor mit seiner Medienlandschaft beschäftigt. Von den intensiven, oft auch polemischen Debatten wurden viele Problemzonen des Journalismus auf dem Kontinent angestrahlt: Konzentration, Meinungsmonoronie, Homogenität und Elitendominanz. Dies
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ist auch ein Verdienst jener Regierungen, die um die Jahrtausendwende ihren Aufstieg begannen. Es ist ihnen gelungen, das Thema fest im lateinamerik. Bewusstsein zu verankern, so dass es selbst präsent bleiben könnte, wenn die Politik wieder eine andere Richtung einschlägt und ein Vergessen anstrebt. Beseitigt haben sie die ewigen Schwächen allerdings kaum. In einzelnen Ländern -in Ecuador, bes. aber in Venezuela -ist der Medienpluralismus sogar eingeschränkter. Dass die Massenmedien zunehmend ihre Ausnahmestellung als Agendaserrer und Gatekeeper verlieren, hat weder politische Gründe, noch ist dies ein regionales Phänomen. Fernsehen, Radio und Zeitung hatten für LAs Politiker stets eine fast lebenswichtige Funktion - wenngleich manchmal auch nur die, einen guten Feind abzugeben. Doch das Massenpublikum zerfällt mehr und mehr -und damit auch eine Reihe kommunikativer Gewissbeiten, die lange das Verhältnis geprägt haben. Twitter, YouTube und Instagram, v. a. aber Facebook und WhatsApp sind zu bedeutenden Kanälen aufgestiegen -und sie kosten fast nichts, was auf einem Kontinent mit großer Armut ein immenser Vorteil ist und weiteres Wachstum erwarten lässt. Politiker werden mit ihren Narrativen dorthin wandern, wo ihre Wähler kommunizieren und kommentieren. Insofern dürfte Jair Bolsonaros erfolgreicher Internet-Wahlkampf in Brasilien Nachahmer finden. Rückblickend könnte er einmal wie der Beginn einer Zeitenwende erscheinen, die die Selbsterlösung der Politik aus ihrer Abhängigkeit vom Journalismus angekündigt hat. Kommunikative Hegemonie könnte dann keine Frage von Mediengesetzen oder Kraftproben mit Presse-Imperien mehr sein, sondern eher eine des Kapitals." (Ausblick, Seite 663)
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"Across Europe there is as yet little evidence to support the idea that increased exposure to news featuring like-minded or opposing views leads to the widespread polarisation of attitudes. Although some studies have found that both can strengthen the attitudes of a minority who already hold strong
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views. Most studies of news use on social media have failed to find evidence of echo chambers and/or 'filter bubbles', where people are over-exposed to like-minded views. Some studies even find evidence that it increases the likelihood of exposure to opposing views. The extent to which people self-select news sources in Europe based on their political preferences, as well as the extent to which news outlets produce partisan coverage, still varies greatly by country. In addition to differences between European countries, comparative research often tends to show that the United States of America has much higher levels of partisan news production, consumption and polarisation, making it difficult to generalise from these findings. There are large gaps in our understanding of the relationship between the news media and polarisation, particularly outside Western and Northern Europe, and particularly concerning our knowledge of new, more partisan digital-born news sources." (
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"This book explores the interplay between government and media drawing on unique evidence from, and in-depth analysis of, four national cases: Finland, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden. Based on the chapters dedicated to each country, five additional chapters address the following cross-national themes:
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government communication, social media, formality/informality in journalist-source relations, mediatisation of politics, and political communication culture. The book reveals what really goes on between the political executive and the media in everyday practices within these countries. First, it uncovers a process of mediated political-cultural change within media-political systems. Second, it illustrates the work- ings of prime ministerial power and communication aides at this apex of political power and the media and those who work there. Third, it examines both the struggle within governing institutions to control the flow of information and the tensions between civil servants and political aides, and takes the reader through the four media-political con- texts rooted in a deep knowledge of these relationships." (Publisher description)
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"In spite of being one of the poorest places in Brazil, Pernambuco has historically had a combative and awarded local media. Until recently, local reporters had been winning the most important national journalism prizes with inspiring local stories and initiatives. This context has been changing dra
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matically, influenced both by the digital disruption in the media industry and by a “draining” process of the newsrooms. Based on exclusive data collected from media outlets and on interviews, this research shows that the local reporters have been abandoning journalism (a lot of them prematurely) in one of the most impoverished areas of Brazil, where the public surveillance is paramount. These shifts have resulted in serious failings of local newspapers in addressing community information needs. Throughout five chapters, this research describes why, how and under what circumstances many journalists have been swapping newsrooms desks for political cabinets in Pernambuco. The direct effects of this movement are also shown through a comparison of the local media coverage of two remarkable episodes in the Pernambuco political life." (Publisher description)
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"In chapter 2, the book lays down its foundations with a review of a large body of experimental psychology research on how and why individuals can preserve their beliefs, sometimes in the face of all evidence, logic, and argument to the contrary. The second part of the chapter shows that millions of
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people do the same in the real world outside the laboratories, whatever the media say [...] Chapter 3 considers political partisanship and party identification - that is, strong attachments to political ideas, values, and organizations. Experiments show that people are likely to engage in belief preservation where partisan opinions are concerned, and the same seems to be true of partisans in the outside world [...] Chapter 4 broadens the scope of inquiry to examine how non-partisanship and non-party political beliefs and values can influence the ways the majoritiy of individuals receive and process news reports and draw conclusions from them [...] The first eight chapters deal mainly with the micro, demand side of the equation - but there is also the macro, supply side of news media systems. Supply and demand are often analyzed separately, although understanding media effects requires examining the interaction between them [...] Chapter 9 compares commercial and public service broadcasting, showing that they have different effects on political knowledge, trust, participation, and democratic support. Chapter 10 turns to the classic theory of news media pluralism as a cornerstone of modern democracy [...] The research strategy of this book involves comparing and contrasting a large number of studies of media effects on political attitudes and behavior in order to compare and contrast the conclusions they reach. The book does not merely traingulate in order to reach reliabe conclusions, but it polyangulates, using many different studies written by sociologists, political scientists, psychologists, and economists who employ a variety of methods to investigate many possible media effects on politics. American and British research is used in the main, but single-country research on Russia, the Netherlands, Canada, France, Italy, Spain, Germany, and Belgium is included, as are comparative studies of European Union member states." (Chapter 1, page 2-5)
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"Cette oeuvre révèle le pouvoir géant des identités politiques et religieuses libanaises sur les expressions artistiques et médiatiques, tout en racontant l’histoire de ce pays et en analysant divers événements politiques, religieux, artistiques et/ou médiatiques qui ont eu lieu entre 1989
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, année de la fin de la guerre civile, et 2005, année de l’assassinat de Hariri et des faits tumultueux en résultant." (Dos de couverture)
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"Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change is the first volume to overview the country’s contemporary media landscape, providing a critical assessment of the sector during the complex and controversial political transition. Moving beyond the focus on journalism and freedom of th
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e press that characterizes many media-focused volumes, Myanmar Media in Transition also explores developments in fiction, filmmaking, social movement media and social media. Documenting changes from both academic and practitioner perspectives, the twenty-one chapters reinforce the volume’s theoretical arguments by providing on-the-ground, factual and experiential data intended to open useful dialogue between key stakeholders in the media, government and civil society sectors. Providing an overview of media studies in the country, Myanmar Media in Transition addresses current challenges, such as the use of social media in spreading hate speech and the shifting boundaries of free expression, by placing them within Myanmar’s broader historic social, political and economic context." (Publisher description)
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"Amid civil war, failing states, and terrorism, Arab liberals are growing in numbers and influence. Advocating a culture of equity, tolerance, good governance, and the rule of law, they work through some of the region's largest media outlets to spread their ideals within the culture. Broadcasting Ch
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ange analyzes this trend by portraying the intersection of media and politics in two Arab countries with seismic impact on the region and beyond. Through TV talk shows, drama, and comedy, local liberals play off the government's anti-Islamist agenda to more thoughtfully advocate religious reform." (Back cover)
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"Pretty Liar" explores the rise of language and gender politics on Lebanese television to tell the untold story of the co-evolution of Lebanese television and its audiences and how the civil war of 1975-1991 affected that co-evolution. The shift in public interest in television has been widely ackno
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wledged and interpreted within an institutional context as a victory of the neo-liberal entrepreneurship of a new, agile brand over the government inefficiency of Lebanon's national station, Télé Liban. Yet, the role of the Lebanese Civil War in reshaping national television and broadcasting in Arab media following the emergence of the Lebanese Broadcasting Company in 1985 has been unexplored. Based on empirical data and grounded in theory by Arab and global researchers, "Pretty Liar" offers textual analyses of five Lebanese fictional series, three major and several additional periodicals, and nine literary works, and provides context from unscripted interviews with television administrators, anchors, actors, and freelance contributors, print journalists, and audience members. Khazaal seeks to offer new insight into how entertainment television became a site for politics and political resistance, feminism, and the cradle for post-war Lebanon due to the shift in practices and standards of legitimacy." (Publisher description)
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