"This paper looks at the structure and functioning of public information departments in peacekeeping operations, and at the relationship between the departments and the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the Department of Information (DPI) at Headquarters in New York. Wh
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ile recognizing that information strategies vary from one mission to another and are dependent on individual mission mandates, the paper addresses the organizational structures that determine mission information strategies and policies general to all missions. The paper takes as a case study the role of the public information department in the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), with a particular focus on public outreach by UNMIK’s radio and television units. Recognizing that each peace mission is different in scope and mandate, and that Kosovo is characterized by an unusual degree of UN control and authority, the paper contends that lessons may nevertheless be extrapolated from the UNMIK experience that are relevant to UN missions elsewhere in the world and to communication strategies in post-conflict environments in general." (Executive summary)
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"Die Annahme, dass eine kontrollierte Presse das Ziel einer Förderung demokratischer Strukturen immer ad absurdum führe, darf vor dem Hintergrund einer politischen Ausnahmesituation nach einem bewaffneten Konflikt durchaus hinterfragt werden. Die in diesem Zusammenhang geführte Diskussion über M
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edienfreiheit versus Konflikteindämmung verdeutlicht die grundsätzlich verschiedenen Zielsetzungen und Ansäze zwischen internationalen NGOs und IGOs beim Medienaufbau. IGOs, wie die OSZE, plädierten in Bosnien für den Aufbau neuer Medienorgane unter Kontrolle von IGOs. Die OSZE befürchtete zu Recht, dass bereits bestehende und etablierte Medienorgane oft unter dem Einfluss von Konfliktparteien stehen. Das galt auch für die Übergangsregierung in Afghanistan. Für die NGOs hingegen ist die Förderung bereits bestehender lokaler Medienorgane die Voraussetzung für einen nachhaltigen Medienaufbau, der zugleich auch den Aufbau der Zivilgesellschaft unterstützt. Das Auswärtige Amt hat in den Schwerpunktsetzungen grundsätzlich einen richtigen Ansatz verfolgt. Allerdings sind die gegenwärtigen Rahmenbedingungen wie das Haushaltsrecht und der Mangel an Evaluierungsmechanismen sowohl seitens der Geldgeber als auch der Implementierungspartner unzureichend. Darüber hinaus wiederholen sich in Afghanistan die Probleme mangelnder Koordinierung. Internews und die UNESCO waren beide in Bosnien aktiv und schon dort mit unzureichender Koordinierung der internationalen Maßnahmen und der Parteilichkeit von nationalen Medienorganen konfrontiert. In Afghanistan übernahm die UNESCO im Frühjahr 2002 die Koordinierung der afghanischen Medienlandschaft und der internationalen Hilfsleistungen in diesem Bereich. Die mangelnde Kohärenz der Aktivitäten konnte dennoch nicht behoben werden. Trotz der früheren Erfahrungen aus anderen Post-Konfliktstaaten wurden die Fehler im Umgang mit Medien wiederholt." (Fazit, Seite 37)
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"The paper presents an overview of three areas of democracy assistance in Mozambique between 1994 and 2005. Support to elections appears as the most prominent sector of democracy assistance in both financial and political terms. External actors have effectively influenced some technical areas and co
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ntributed to institutional development (the Technical Secretariat for Electoral Administration [STAE] and some civil society organisations [CSOs]), but overall electoral support has not resulted in furthering the quality of democratic practice. Human rights assistance covers support to the justice sector, the police and civil society. The fragmented justice sector proved to be a very complex partner and expectations of progress were often frustrated. Major efforts were made during the period under review to (re)train police officers on a massive scale, but the effect of the training has not yet resulted in a marked change of corporate behaviour, also because the training was not complemented in a timely fashion by structural reforms. Media assistance was only modest in scope. The one major initiative that was undertaken resulted in wider coverage of the elections by national radio, the establishment of some community radio stations and technical support given to independent print media. Nevertheless, it is felt that the proliferation and improvement of media initiatives did effectively contribute to furthering democratic values." (Executive summary)
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"This study engages in the examination of the role of journalism in a time of violent conflict and explores the discourse that has come to be known under the umbrella term “peace journalism.” Through a case study of the Open Broadcast Network (OBN) coverage of the Bosnian conflict, the study ana
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lyzes the initial lessons learned from one of the original implementations of peace journalism precepts in violent conflict. As demonstrated by the fleeting and partial success of OBN, the news media can play a role in transformation of conflict but the feasibility and accomplishments of such practice depend upon a variety of variables." (Abstract)
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"Die Dissertation behandelt den öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk in Palästina und ein von Deutschland gefördertes Radio-TV-Kooperationsprojekt an der Bir Zeit Universität." (commbox)
"This study critically evaluates international democratization assistance in postconflict societies to discern what has worked, what has not, and how aid programs can be designed to have a more positive impact. The authors offer a unique recipient perspective as they explore three dimensions of demo
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cracy promotion: elections, free media, and human rights. Drawing on the experiences of Afghanistan, Cambodia, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, and Uganda, they suggest concrete ways in which the international community can better foster democratization in the wake of conflict." (Publisher description)
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"This dissertation examines international aid in support of Afghan media from fall 2001 to fall 2004 as a case study to interrogate the notion of “media transition” and its underlying assumptions. It examines how development organizations such as the United Nations, bilateral aid agencies such a
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s the U.S. Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies created the institutional structures that define and support the practice of media transition. It analyzes how the nascent Afghan state media institutions and non-governmental organizations dedicated to media reconstruction negotiated and mobilized the discourse of media transition to further their own aims. It also analyzes how changing political considerations, media production and dissemination outlets, and media producers’ own sense of mission affected the production of a series of radio programs designed to promote Afghan political transition. This dissertation argues that democracy should not be treated as a self-evident goal for media transitions, but should be viewed as a discursive process that shares many of the same concerns as development communications, and that mobilizes a transnational public sphere." (Abstract)
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"This paper will examine American efforts to create a vibrant free press in Iraq and Afghanistan. A $200 million project in Iraq was the largest attempt ever by the United States, or any country, to help create independent media in another nation. Run by the Pentagon, it was a near total failure in
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its first year, with Iraqi journalists, American trainers and U.S. government officials assailing it as wasteful, amateurish and counterproductiv. A far smaller, $15 million State Department effort in Afghanistan, by comparison, appears to have been more effective. In both countries, many local journalists have performed well, particularly when given proper resources and training. But in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as around the world, murder and violence is now the single largest threat to the creation of an independent news media. Government officials, criminals and terrorists are increasingly using assault and murder to silence the media. Supporting, respecting and, most of all, securing local journalists may be the most critical way the United States can foster the creation of a vibrant free press in Iraq and Afghanistan." (Abstract)
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