"This article intends to provide responses to some of the many unanswered questions about the making and the transformation of the uprising in Syria by exploring a new avenue of research: media development aid. Most academic interest has been oriented towards the role that the new media played at th
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e time of the uprising; insufficient interest, by contrast, has been directed to the development of the sector in the years predating it. What emerges from this article is that the Syrian media landscape was strongly supported by international development aid during the years prior to the outbreak of the uprising of 2011. By looking at the complex structure of media aid architecture and investigating the practices and programmes implemented by some representative organisations, this article reflects on the field of media development as a new modus operandi of the West (the EU and US especially), to promote democracy through alternative and non-collateral, bottom-up support." (Abstract)
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"This report describes how media development practitioners perceive the expansion of the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) agenda’s influence into various aspects of their field, and the different and sometimes ambivalent ways in which they respond to these perceptions. Two conclusions emerge str
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ongly from these interviews. The first is that the efforts to distance CVE conceptually from media development are not providing the guidance needed to navigate an increasingly blurry line between the two fields in practice. The second is that audience reception studies and investments in media information literacy are needed, yet receive inadequate attention in CVE efforts and funding." (Conclusion)
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"This paper explores the role professional independent media and journalists can play in circumstances where people’s very survival may rely upon trustworthy information about conflicting factions, violence, or rescue efforts. It also looks at the approaches that have been tried and tested in ligh
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t of the major challenges faced by the international media development community at local and regional levels. These efforts in fostering quality journalism as a public good in itself can support the realization of other human rights. A professional and pluralistic media environment does not only provide the necessary information to survive from one day to the next, it can also maximize the chances for dialogue and help reconciliation and political transformation processes. It can be argued that media development cooperation in areas of conflict and in countries with authoritarian regimes is needed the most. However, it also faces the highest obstacles in being able to reach the right stakeholders, being effective, and keeping all those involved secure." (Page 3)
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"[...] Few aspects of Liberian society have suffered more under UNMIL than the media, which is critical for any young democracy but all the more so for one emerging from civil war. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the U.N. mission itself, and other donors have spent more than $
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10 million since 2003 to develop a robust independent media market capable of holding Liberia’s leaders accountable — only to watch UNMIL turn around and build a media behemoth that monopolized the country’s talent, resources, and audience, making it impossible for smaller outlets to compete. UNMIL Radio, the U.N. mission’s flagship media outfit, has a budget of $1.4 million this year — more than the annual revenue of the country’s commercial media combined. We are not aware of a media market in any other democratic country where one player so dominates all others in terms of revenue and resources. And there’s a massive misrepresentation at the heart of UNMIL Radio’s presence in Liberia. Although it now masquerades as an independent media outlet, operating in the same radio space as other news providers and delivering a product that looks like that of other news providers, the U.N. shows little interest or aptitude for the hard, dirty work of independent journalism. It claims to set a standard for journalism in the country but then fails to deliver on the industry’s most important responsibility — holding leaders, not just Liberia’s but the U.N.’s own, to account."
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"Part I focuses on 'Counter-Narratives', looking at the evidence relating to strategic policy communication strategies and counter-propaganda techniques. This reflects literature from policymakers, think-tanks, and civil society initiatives rather than the academic literature base. Current literatur
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e and policy concerned with countering propaganda is dominated by the language of ‘counter-narratives’ but a common understanding of this relatively new lexicon has yet to emerge. There is little hard evidence that proves interaction with VE content leads to participation in VE activities [...] Part II looks at “Alternative Approaches” to the use of the media to counter violent extremism, drawing on insights from the “media development” and “media assistance” sectors, and research into whether mass media and new communication interventions can inhibit identity-based violence in certain crisis situations. The theoretical foundations for these alternative approaches are supported by a stronger and more established research base, drawn from the multi-disciplinary fields of development, peace building, and social cohesion. Media projects have less impact if seen to be linked to a political agenda. A growing evidence base suggests that radio and television drama addressing issues of identity, reconciliation and tolerance have a positive an impact on public attitudes and behaviour. Media assistance can ensure that local and domestic media can respond appropriately to VE narratives." (Executive summary)
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"Media development organisations regard polarisation and a lack of ethical standards as the main problems in conflict societies. Our interviews with both Europe-based and local media development actors show that their support programmes address journalists as enablers of an inclusive public discours
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e and as proponents of the human right to freedom of expression. Assistance for journalists increasingly considers the bigger newsroom structure, taking the form of long term counselling or mentoring and often focusing on professional standards and ethics. In addition, media development actors emphasise a need for increased coordination and cooperation within the sector, higher prioritisation of media development in foreign policy and a more thorough understanding of local conditions before commencing engagement on the ground." (Executive summary)
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"The Syrian Civil War has shaken the country’s media landscape and provided space for the nascent emergence of an independent Syrian media. Syria’s media culture is undergoing significant transformation from a top-down, state-run industry, to a diverse arena populated by competing viewpoints and
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driven by communities. This paper maps the changes in Syrian media since the beginning of the uprising in 2011, and explores the constraints facing independent media moving forward. Stronger mechanisms to support independent media in Syria are needed—such as additional and consistent funding, industry associations, and ease of travel—to develop a more open media culture in Syria, and foster a democratic and pluralistic post-conflict society." (Summary)
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"Lo que hace algunos años era un escenario de polarización entre medios de comunicación anti-Chávez y pro-Chávez sumamente tendenciosos, lo cual era el reflejo de una sociedad dividida, se ha convertido en un escenario de control gubernamental, directo o indirecto, sobre la mayor parte del disc
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urso público [...] Sin embargo, en medio de este panorama desolador para la libertad de expresión, hay rayos de esperanza: han surgido nuevos medios de comunicación independientes y en su mayoría digitales que están determinados a enfrentar las dificultades y contar la historia de lo que realmente está ocurriendo en Venezuela. Sus reportajes han sido finalistas o ganadores de varios de los premios de periodismo más prestigiosos del continente; uno de estos reportajes documenta precisamente la compra de medios de comunicación por parte de amigos del gobierno, y el consecuente cambio en la línea editorial que obligó a muchos periodistas y editores a renunciar. Las recomendaciones finales de este documento incluyen un llamado para una reforma urgente del marco legal en el que los medios de comunicación operan; el acceso pleno a la información pública y a los funcionarios públicos; y un mayor apoyo para que el periodismo de investigación y los medios independientes en Venezuela se relacionen con colegas en el continente y aumenten su capacidad para informar de manera factual acerca de la situación crítica que vive el país." (Resumen)
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"This paper seeks to provide some initial guidance as to what Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) is and what it means for the media development sector, its donors and other organizations that work with media developers. The paper also discusses challenges and implications of VE and CVE for media dev
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elopment and how media development work is relevant to CVE and CVE efforts." (Introduction)
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"An independent media is one of the most effective assets we have in efforts to curb corruption and foster accountability. Yet it is deeply imperilled, particularly in fragile states and often poorly understood by the international development sector. This policy working paper argues that unless dev
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elopment strategies begin to prioritise support to independent media, corruption may continue to go unchecked and the accountability of states will diminish." (Website BBC Media Action)
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"As it seeks to win the hearts and minds of citizens in the Muslim world, the United States has poured millions of dollars into local television and radio programming, hoping to generate pro-American currents on Middle Eastern airwaves. However, as this fascinating new book shows, the Middle Eastern
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media producers who rely on these funds are hardly puppets on an American string, but instead contribute their own political and creative agendas while working within U.S. restrictions. The Other Air Force gives readers a unique inside look at television and radio production in Afghanistan and the Palestinian territories, from the isolated villages of the Afghan Panjshir Valley to the congested streets of Ramallah. Communications scholar Matt Sienkiewicz explores how the U.S. takes a “soft-psy” approach to its media efforts combining “soft” methods of encouraging entertainment programming, such as adaptations of The Voice and The Apprentice with more militaristic “psy-ops” approaches to information control. Drawing from years of field research and interviews with everyone from millionaire executives to underpaid but ever resourceful cameramen, Sienkiewicz considers the perspectives of the Afghan and Palestinian media workers trying to forge viable broadcasting businesses without straying outside American-set boundaries for acceptable content." (Publisher description)
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"The report explores how discussion programmes – where a diverse audience, representing the whole of society, is engaged in fair and balanced debate – can stimulate both private/interpersonal discussion and public discussion in either a community setting or one hosted by local government. It the
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n goes on to examine whether discussion can, in turn, affect conflict-related attitudes at scale, whether attitudes towards other groups in society or attitudes towards violence. The basic idea is that regular engagement in the sort of media programmes our organisation seeks to provide can help to mitigate conflict in fragile settings by increasing understanding of the other, facilitating compromise and ultimately engendering less recourse to violence. Data collected by BBC Media Action in Kenya and Nigeria is used to test the hypothesis that media induced discussion is associated with attitudes that are related to conflict and fragility. The results reveal a rich but complicated picture. We find relatively consistent evidence in both countries that our discussion-oriented media programmes are strongly linked to private discussion among family, friends and others. Evidence from Kenya also suggests that exposure to debate-style programming is potentially linked to public political discussion, but that this relationship is likely to be mediated through other variables such as private political discussion. Finally, in both cases, both private and public discussion is strongly associated with individual attitudes towards conflict. However, the relationship is a complex one and bears further examination." (Executive summary)
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"Politische Spannungen und Vorurteile belasten das Verhältnis zwischen Ruandern, Burundiern und Kongolesen. So manch einer verzieht bei der Vorstellung ins Nachbarland einreisen zu müssen, das Gesicht. Das Spukgespenst des bösen Nachbarn verbreiten und verstärken nicht zuletzt die Medien. Doch e
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s geht auch anders. Die Macher der ruandischen Jugendradiosendung Ejo! setzen auf einen positiven Nachbarschaftsbegriff. Ihr Ansatz: Journalisten aus drei Ländern arbeiten zusammen und senden in die ganze Region." (Seite 8)
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"The literature emphasizes the importance of accounting for specific needs when it comes to media assistance in conflict-ridden contexts. The reviewed recommendations boil down to establishing communication between different actors (such as oppositional players or media and public professionals) and
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to institutionalising this communication in the form of round-tables, press conferences, or other modi vivendi of dealing with one another in a democratic way. Two aspects are salient throughout the reviewed areas “journalism training”, “capacity building for civil society actors”, and “capacity building for political leaders”: The need for multi-stakeholder dialogue and an emphasis on creating awareness of the general value of communication. Differences across the reviewed areas seem rooted in the amount of practical experience gained so far with the respective group of beneficiaries. Future research is well-advised to adapt its focus accordingly. Examining “best practices” is especially relevant when it comes to journalism training. An understanding of support offered to activists can be gained by identifying specific challenges to civil society organisations." (Executive summary)
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"This document is a report on the radio component of Peace through Development II (P-DEV II), a multi-year development program funded by the United States Agency for International Development/West Africa (USAID/WA), whose main goal is to counter violent extremism in Chad, Niger, and Burkina Faso. P-
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DEV II has four strategic objectives: 1) empower youth; 2) increase moderate voices; 3) increase the capacity of civil society; and 4) strengthen local government [...] Part of P-DEV II efforts are concentrated on building the capacity of local radio stations to produce and broadcast content by providing them with equipment, technical assistance, and training of their staff. In Chad, training and equipment upgrades to partner radio stations led to the production and broadcasting of the series Dabalaye (The Meeting Place), a governance radio program, and Chabab Al Haye (Youth Alive), a program targeting youth. In Niger, local radio station capacity building led to the production and broadcasting of the series Sada Zumunci (Solidarity), a governance radio program, and Gwadaben Matasa (Youth Boulevard), a youth program. This report presents an assessment of P-DEV II radio programming in relation to its strategic objectives and stated goals by evaluating the impact of radio broadcasts among youth (ages 15-30) in selected radio-only zones (non-core) in Chad and Niger [...] P-DEV II radio programming had positive effects on interaction with people from other ethnicities in Chad, but no impact in Niger. The impact of radio listenership on interpersonal and institutional trust is mixed. In Chad, positive effects on trust in local government, central government and in religious leaders were found, but radio listenership had a negative effect on interpersonal trust. In Niger, listenership had positive effects on trust in local government and in religious leaders, but a negative effect on trust in the police. There are relatively strong positive effects of P-DEV II radio programming on the perception that other ethnic groups and youth participate in decision-making in Chad. In Niger, by contrast, negative effects were found on the perception that women and the respondent’s own ethnic group are involved in decision-making." (Executive summary, page 2-3)
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"Aziza Bangwene [écrit] sur différents projets développés par l'Institut Panos Paris dans la perspective de la consolidation de la paix dans la région: elle présente en particulier le projet OGL Ondes des Grands Lacs, mis en oeuvre entre 2009 et 2013, et dont l'objectif principal était d'amen
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er les journalistes originaires des trois pays à abandonner leurs préjugés et leur perspective tronquée sur les réalités des pays voisins, et à s'ouvrir à d'autres points de vue sur la crise régionale. Elle souligne les acquis de ce programme, mais relève aussi un certain nombre de questions qui subsistent au terme de sa mise en oeuvre." (Introduction, page 10)
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