"This edited book aims at bringing together a range of contemporary expertise that can shed light on the relationship between media pluralism in Latin America and processes of democratization and social justice. In doing so, the authors of the book provide empirically grounded theoretical insight in
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to the extent to which questions about media pluralism-broadly understood as the striving for diverse and inclusive media spheres-are an essential part of scholarly debates on democratic governance. The rise in recent years of authoritarianism, populism and nationalism, both in fragile and stable democratic systems, makes media pluralism an intellectual and empirical cornerstone of any debate about the future of democratic governance around the world." (Publisher description)
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"The dominant transparency narrative in policymaking attributes a key role to the public: once citizens gain information, they are predicted to use it to demand better resource governance. Whether the public receives the available information in the first place, however, has not been scrutinised in
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a large-N analysis. This article examines Ghanaians’ information sources and information-seeking behaviour using a unique survey with over 3500 respondents. Although Ghana has actively pursued transparency in its natural resource revenue management, most Ghanaians have poor access to understandable information as information is disseminated through channels that the intended receivers normally do not use. Non-elite citizens and those with limited English skills were least likely to have heard about natural resource revenue management, compared with elected duty bearers, traditional authorities, other opinion leaders, and those with an interest in the issue through working in mining or living near an extraction site. The results suggest that the conceptualisation of transparency may be too simplistic, and that the expectations linked to transparency in enhancing natural resource governance may not materialise through the mechanisms hypothesised in the literature." (Abstract)
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"The discussion is based on an analysis of 46 protest songs, interviews with musicians, music producers and event promoters as well as field interviews and observations among audiences at selected popular music concerts and public workshops in Maputo city. Secondary data were drawn from radio broadc
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asts, digital media, and social networks. The songs analysed were widely played in the past two decades (1998–2018), a period in which three different presidents led the country. Our focus is on the protest song, conceived as those musical products that are concerned with public affairs, particularly public policy and how it affects citizens’ social, political and economic life, and the relationship between citizens and the state. We found indicators of empowerment and accountability in the protest songs surveyed. In these songs, musicians expressed awareness of their political and economic positions in relation to political and administrative authorities. The songs refer to citizens’ duties such as paying taxes, preserving public infrastructures, and acknowledging the rights of fellow citizens. They also reference citizens’ rights such as access to health, education, transport, security, and participation in governance processes through elections. In these songs, musicians demand that government authorities be accountable to citizens, with specific reference to political participation, right to information, public consultation, and the provision of public services. The report also found that in the past two decades Mozambican civil society organisations have turned to popular musicians to promote and animate public debates on awareness of citizen’s rights and accountability." (Summary)
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"Drawing on available data and literature, this paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Ghana and explains how the media have contributed to promoting participatory and accountable governance. It further discusses the trends, barriers of media and governance in Ghana and makes ke
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y recommendations on how participatory governance can be improved." (Introduction, page 2)
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"The global effort to promote open and transparent government creates new opportunities to put media development on the political agenda of countries around the world. This report looks in particular at the structures of the Open Government Partnership (OGP), which in its 2016 Paris Declaration char
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acterized the media as a “crucial force for transparency and accountability.” In an era of democratic backsliding and declining public trust in institutions of all kinds, the need for pluralistic, independent, and high-quality news media has never been more important. Yet even the most democratically minded countries in the world are having trouble creating the laws, policies, and practices to ensure a healthy media system. Can the Open Government Partnership’s multi-stakeholder forums be used to stimulate solutions to some of the most intractable challenges facing independent media? This report maps the entry points for media reformers in the OGP process, and highlights a series of recommendations for how take advantage of these entry points, including by: Building country-level coalitions that can put media reform on the open government agenda; Investing in global agenda-building and peer-to-peer learning on the intersections between open government and media development; Aiming for long-term and strategic goals related to the OGP’s National Action Plans." (Key findings)
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"The paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Burkina Faso and explains how they have today become key platforms for citizen-authorities’ engagements - where citizens can express their views and also receive information on the implementation and the operationalization of public
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policies. It also highlights key challenges hindering the media from effectively contributing to participatory, transparent and accountability governance in Burkina Faso and finally makes some recommendations improving the situation." (Page 2)
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"Talkback radio programs (TBP) were established to educate the Cambodian public on governance issues and provide a channel through which they could communicate with authorities directly. Programs were broadcast in 4 provinces: Battambang, Kampong Cham, Siem Reap, and Kampot. This impact briefing rev
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eals the progress made by the radio program towards building political accountability and political participation. TBP listeners displayed consistently better knowledge and understanding of governance than non-listeners. Radio staff also reported strong governance competencies. Crucially, TBP led directly to 122 promises being met or partially met by local authorities." (https://www.abc.net.au/abc-international-development)
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"The paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Senegal and explains how they have today become platforms where citizens can get information and express their views on the implementation and the operationalization of public policies. This paper also elaborates on the challenges that
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hinder the media from effectively contributing to participatory, transparency and accountability from duty bearers. Finally, a set of key recommendations to encourage citizen’s participation in governance processes are given." (Page 2)
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"Corrupt individuals have proven very adept at finding ways to get around formal constraints, which is why grassroots and bottom-up approaches to fighting corruption tend to be more sustainable in the long run than isolated institutional and legal reform. Often, well-intentioned laws are poorly enfo
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rced and institutions lack the “teeth” to make anticorruption efforts truly effective. Civil society and media are essential in applying pressure and keeping governments honest and accountable. Freedom of association, or the ability of people to form groups and influence public policy, is vital to anti-corruption. CSOs play a key role in denouncing violations of rights or speaking out against breaches of law. Similarly, a free and independent media serves an important function in investigating and reporting incidences of corruption. The voices of both civil society and journalists put a spotlight on bad actors and can help trigger action by law enforcement and the court system." (Page 1)
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"The following report is an exploratory case study analysis of social accountability monitoring of the Eastern Cape Department of Education by the Public Service Accountability Monitor (PSAM) and mainstream media in the Eastern Cape. It provides in-depth analysis of the education programme’s work
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within PSAM and a study of newspaper coverage of education in the Eastern Cape. The argument made herein, is that for either civil society or the media to be effective in holding duty bearers to account, and to equip citizens to hold public officials to account, they have to work collaboratively in their efforts. What is required is a shift in the assumption that simply reporting on or highlighting events of maladministration or mismanagement of public resources is sufficient. Highlighting poor resource management is necessary but not sufficient to equate to social accountability. The current media coverage, while extensive and voluminous, does not provide citizens with the contextual knowledge they need to effectively hold duty bearers to account for poor service delivery. Rather, as a result of the formulaic reporting style, corruption and maladministration are further normalised. Fostering a more strategic, conscious and direct relationship between civil society and the media, will ensure a symbiotic relationship of effective society accountability resulting in better public resource management." (Executive summary)
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"This paper discusses a number of ways in which media plays a part in increasing accountability. It draws on quantitative and qualitative data from BBC Media Action’s work in nine countries. It finds that: media can influence accountability by empowering people, creating opportunities for construc
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tive public debate and influencing power; development donors and practitioners need to integrate media more fully into their empowerment and accountability strategies. In 2017 BBC Media Action will complete a six year, multi-country project to support improved accountability through public dialogue. Partnering with over 135 media and civil society organisations, BBC Media Action supported broadcast programmes that have reached more than 190 million people. In 2016, the governance programmes supported by BBC Media Action reached an average of 37% of the adult population of the countries in which they were broadcast. This paper seeks to explore how the lessons from that support can contribute to the wider empowerment and accountability agenda, and to set out challenges for the future of media, empowerment and accountability work." (BBC Media Action website)
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"In South Sudan, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the ongoing civil conflict (since 2013), ethnic and linguistic divisions, a lack of rule of law, the legacy of clientelistic networks in the media and the government, a stark urban-rural divide, and a lack of infra
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structure and funding that could support sustainable media development. In Tanzania, media capture, and media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the dominance of the CCM that enables the government to establish a legal framework to restrict freedom of the press, stark rural-urban and ZanzibarMainland divides, and a lack of local and community media in rural areas due to poor infrastructure and a lack of managerial skills. In Bangladesh, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the political polarisation of the media and journalists’ unions between the dominant AL and BNP political parties, the combination of political polarisation and low journalistic professionalism preventing politically unbiased reporting, and connections between corporate media owners and political elites that lead to politically-motivated corporate media strategies. In South Africa, media capture, media market and audience segregations are driven by: the lack of sustainable funding available to independent media outlets, prohibitive costs limiting their readership to the economic elite, and the dominance of the (politically controlled) SABC as the only source of media catering to lower-income segments of the population." (Executive summary, page vi-vii)
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"This chapter discusses the role of media in the Republic of Kazakhstan in combating corruption. First, it provides an assessment of the recently passed access to information legislation in the country as it relates to media's access to government information. Second, it analyses the extent to which
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freedom of press is guaranteed and protected, before looking at the level of professionalism and ethics in the media sector. Lastly, this chapter analyses the plurality of Kazakhstan's media sector." (Page 275)
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"Este documento tiene el objetivo de contribuir, principalmente, con los gobiernos locales que no pueden implementar sus portales de transparencia estándar (PTE), para que cumplan con su obligación de difundir información sobre la gestión pública y promuevan un mayor acceso a ella. Consideramos
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que esta estrategia de difusión favorecerá el fortalecimiento de una ciudadanía informada y vigilante, con mayores posibilidades de participación en la gestión pública. Su implementación a nivel nacional conllevaría un acelerado proceso de democratización y empoderamiento." (Introducción)
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"Funded by DFID, under the Global Grant project, BBC Media Action produced three seasons of the weekly TV and radio programme Sema Kenya (Kenya Speaks). Sema Kenya featured a moderated discussion between a live panel of officials and an audience of ‘ordinary’ Kenyans and was designed to enable i
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ndividuals, communities and governments to be better informed and more engaged in tackling governance challenges. Alongside this, BBC Media Action delivered a mentoring programme, initially with six local radio stations, and later with the national broadcaster Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), which has the largest footprint in the country. Through this work, BBC Media Action aimed to strengthen the capacity of Kenya’s media sector to produce governance programming that supported and mainstreamed the overall objectives of the project at both the local and national level. [...] Sema Kenya contributed to people being more informed about and engaged in politics. Audiences were more knowledgeable about politics, discussed it more with friends and family, felt more confident in their ability to influence political processes and participated more in governance related activities (particularly at the community level) – all factors that support bottom-up accountability. Audiences themselves linked Sema Kenya with these outcomes. This finding was validated by analysis confirming a significant positive relationship between watching or listening to Sema Kenya and consistently higher knowledge, discussion and confidence to engage in politics, even when taking into account other factors that might influence these outcomes (such as education, age and interest in politics). While Sema Kenya’s audience was more likely to participate in politics, qualitative research respondents rarely attributed their actions directly to what they had heard on Sema Kenya. This reflects findings from advanced quantitative analysis (structural equation modelling) that suggests the link between Sema Kenya and increased political participation is indirect and mediated by political knowledge, discussion and self-efficacy. Supported by an extensive network of broadcast partners that stretched across all 47 counties in Kenya, the discussion programme reached an estimated 12.7 million people over three seasons, with a peak audience of 5.7 million in 2013 – the year of the general election. The show also maintained a loyal audience throughout all three seasons, with around half of all those reached annually tuning in for at least every second episode." (Executive summary, pages 6-7)
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"This briefing explores some of the key challenges facing the Nepali media. It outlines growing concerns over politicisation and co-option, particularly of the mainstream Kathmandu-based media, as well as other economic and technological challenges facing the media. The briefing further outlines how
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Nepal’s historically diverse and decentralised media market is increasingly showing signs of fragmentation and discord. It also examines the role that the international development community has played in supporting the Nepali media. The briefing finds that for all the challenges outlined in this report, the media – both nationally and locally – continues to constitute one of the most important and effective mechanisms available to improve accountability. Despite rising threats to journalist safety and growing concerns over politicisation, the media remains most trusted institution in Nepal. The media provides both a growing problem for and a potentially vital solution to the challenges of social cohesion in the country. At present, there is not a sufficient advertising market to sustain a free and independent media that can both serve the public interest and withstand intense political pressures. Development actors are in a position to help to address this market failure if they invest in an independent, Nepali-rooted media that enables difficult and challenging debate to take place." (BBC Media Action website)
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