"Written just prior to the Taliban's rapid takeover of Afghanistan, this new report from Shorenstein Center Fellow Samiullah Mahdi provides an overview of the media landscape in Afghanistan, and the threats to and opportunities for press freedom in the region." (Introduction)
"Burundi’s scrutiny and control of media and nongovernmental organizations, and the conviction after deeply flawed proceedings of 12 journalists and activists in exile have a continued chilling effect on their work, Human Rights Watch said today. Almost one year after President Évariste Ndayishim
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iye’s inauguration, the authorities have sent contradictory signals. They have lifted some restrictions imposed on civil society and media since the country’s 2015 political crisis. But they have also doubled down on human rights defenders and journalists who are perceived to be critical of the government. A human rights activist and a former member of parliament convicted of abusive charges remain in detention. “The government should go beyond symbolic gestures of good faith to address the entrenched system of repression under the late President Pierre Nkurunziza,” said Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Substantive reforms are needed to address the lack of judicial independence, politicized prosecutions, and the absence of accountability for abuses committed since 2015.” (Introduction)
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"Across the globe, governments have issued emergency and drastic measures aimed at tracking the spread of COVID-19 and safeguarding public health. Notwithstanding the necessity and importance of some of these measures, this work argues that numerous governments around the world used the pandemic cri
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sis as a pretext to push through restrictions that hamper critical journalism. Drawing from worldwide press freedom monitoring tools and platforms established by various credible global organizations, this study shows that the pandemic crisis exacerbates existing obstacles to press freedom and adds new dimensions to the already documented threats. This is evident not only in authoritarian states, but also in western democracies. Most of the threats documented specifically aim to silence digital journalism, which has gained significant momentum as a result of the pandemic crisis. Overall, the main target of this work is to offer an enriched conceptual approach to the types of threats that press freedom faces in the context of global crisis situations." (Abstract)
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"Die Coronavirus-Pandemie hat sich in weiten Teilen der Welt negativ auf die Meinungs- und Medienfreiheit ausgewirkt. Betroffen sind viele Partnerländer der deutschen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit: Menschen können nicht auf relevante Informationen zugreifen, unter anderem, weil sie keinen adäquaten
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Internetzugang haben. Gesellschaften mangelt es an Orientierung, da sie von einer Flut an falschen Nachrichten überschwemmt werden. Journalistinnen und Journalisten können ihre Arbeit nur unzureichend erledigen, etwa aufgrund wirtschaftlicher Schwierigkeiten der Medienhäuser. Bürgerinnen und Bürger sind von maßgeblichen Daten und Fakten zur Pandemie abgeschnitten – insbesondere, weil Regierungen Nachrichten zensieren und unabhängige Berichterstattung unterbinden. Dabei greifen staatliche Stellen vermehrt auf repressive Maßnahmen zurück: sowohl gegenüber Journalistinnen und Journalisten als auch gegenüber der Bevölkerung insgesamt. Die Pandemie hat zudem bereits bestehende strukturelle Schwächen moderner Informations-Ökosysteme offengelegt. Diese Trends erschweren es, die vielschichtigen Herausforderungen zu bewältigen. Menschen fehlt es an Information, auf deren Grundlage sie risikobewusst handeln können. Einzelne Bevölkerungsgruppen drohen weiter abgehängt zu werden, weil sie ihre Anliegen nicht wirksam zum Ausdruck bringen können. Gesellschaften können sich nicht umfassend über Wege aus der Krise verständigen. Um entwicklungspolitische Ziele erreichen zu können, braucht es intakte Informations-Ökosysteme: mit allgemeinem Zugang, professionellen Qualitätsfiltern, unabhängigen Medienunternehmen und freiheitlichen Rahmenbedingungen." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Motivated by a 2014 Constitutional Court opinion that under Zimbabwe’s new constitution of 2013, freedom of expression might have to be considered as subordinate to human dignity, the study analyses the implications of this on journalistic practice. The study argues that such a move would undermi
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ne watchdog journalism, thereby limiting people’s freedom of expression right to receive information. This is based on a textual analysis of Zimbabwe’s freedom of expression jurisprudence, which shows that currently the odds are in favour of protecting the reputation of those in power. Thus, subordinating freedom of expression to human dignity might mean worsening an already bad situation." (Abstract)
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"Le journalisme congolais se pratique dans un contexte délicat qui allie la liberté d’informer, les contraintes qu’appelle le respect des lois et règlements ainsi qu’une véritable prise de conscience de la responsabilité des acteurs et des instances médiatiques. C’est pourquoi la prati
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que journalistique en RDC se transforme en une exigence contraignante pour les acteurs et les instances médiatiques. Ces derniers sont obligés de conformer la conception qu’ils ont de leur métier, basée sur la liberté d’informer, aux exigences juridiques et à des prescrits appelant à leur responsabilité. Les médias doivent ainsi difficilement s’arranger pour pratiquer leur métier : en jouissant de toute leur liberté et en faisant en même temps l’effort de respecter les lois et les règlements, afin de ne pas tomber dans les abus et les dérapages, qui les pousseraient à enfreindre les valeurs éthiques et déontologiques de leur métier." (Dos de couverture)
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"The media sector in Moldova is diverse. Dogged investigative reporting plays a vital role in public life. However, the legal framework governing the sector is unstable and underdeveloped. In 2020, much of the country’s political class treated the independent press with hostility, viewing journali
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sts as obstacles to rather than partners in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Financial sustainability continues to elude the sector. Many outlets are captured by and serve as mouthpieces for political interests, and the fallout of the pandemic has exacerbated the precarity experienced by the independent press." (Executive summary)
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"[...] This edition of the MFWA’s Media and Governance Series, explores the shrinking civic space in West Africa; the growing issues contributing to the shrinking civic space as well as its impact on the media landscape and citizens. It also suggests key actions required of stakeholders such as go
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vernments, civil society organisations, the media and ECOWAS to stem or reverse the downward trend for a stronger democracy in West Africa." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This conceptual paper focusses on two fronts forming a broad assault on journalism, extending from more autocratic settings to include liberal democracies, and leading to what is now widely perceived as a crisis in news. We analyze these two attacks by presenting a framework integrating their sourc
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es and causes. We argue that the first attack emanates from commercialized media, occurring at economic and normative level, and has created, at least in part, the conditions that have enabled the more recent attack, which is more directly political, associated with the re-emergence of forces that are loosely categorized as populist. What is new in the second front is the geography and the constitutional nature of the societies in which this antagonism has grown. It extends now to long-established representative democracies that have come to be governed, or where new influence is wielded, by emergent right movements and parties who seek to cast the press as the enemy within. Abuse and even mortal danger increasingly have become part of the occupational reality of news-making. We conclude that this development is inscribed in the current material conditions under which journalists work, as well as in the materiality of the media through which they do so." (Abstract)
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"This study examined the Libyan conflict which started in 2011 until now. In the same way, the study also focused on how Libyan journalists are fighting for media freedom, particularly in the context of the media laws in the new Constitution of 2017. Through focus group discussions were done with 40
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Libyan journalists. The findings of the study indicated that some media laws did not conform to the international laws and UN treaties, which the Libyan Parliament Committee approved. Another finding of the study was that the journalists advocated for a change in the media laws so that they subscribe to the international law. In addition, the journalists also noted that the Constitution should guarantee press freedom. The journalists indicated that they receive threats if they publish stories critical of the governments or ISIS. They also suggested that their actions as journalists have not been sufficiently factored into the political science framework of the safety valve which may be playing the same role with the new democratisation process in 2021. In the context of these findings, the following recommendations were made: the new government should change Articles 35, 37, 38, 42, 43, 46 and 132 to conform to the international laws and UN treaties." (Abstract)
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"Les politiques de communication au Gabon se sont construites, depuis l’Indépendance, au travers de multiples tensions entre autocratie et démocratie. Elles ont connu diverses régressions et avancées, tant dans la volonté de promotion du développement que dans le respect des droits et libert
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és. L’ouvrage d’Arthur Félicien Sabi-Djaboudi vise à contribuer à la compréhension de cette lente évolution, parcourant les périodes de décolonisation, de parti unique, de libéralisation de la vie publique jusqu’à l’actuel basculement dans les mondes numériques. La critique menée par l’auteur offre des bases non seulement pour dessiner une nouvelle configuration médiatique, mais pour redéfinir l’économie de la communication au Gabon, et refonder ainsi la communauté politique." (Dos de couverture)
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"Utilizing a constellation of conceptual tenets drawn from critical digital technology theory, field theory and concepts of digital democracy, this article argues that the post-coup period in Zimbabwe has solidified digital journalism practices in three main ways. These are: (i) the consolidation of
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a digital leak journalism culture, (ii) an increasingly ferocious form of digital guerrilla journalism, and (iii) the rise in popularity, of small digital-based news platforms that, arguably, are increasingly eclipsing already established mainstream (digital) news platforms as sources of news. These practices’ nascent roots have their genesis in the early 2000 period. In the post-coup context, they have assumed a new and wider meaning, and have become part of the mainstream. This solidification of digital journalism practices has consequently enabled journalists to “speak back” to power by providing robust forms of investigative journalism, and simultaneously avoiding being ‘swallowed’ by the state. While we admit to various gradations of digital journalism practices before the coup, we use the coup as our point of departure in order to factor in the incrementally disruptive and repressive political environment that has forced journalists to adopt digital journalism practices more than in any period of the country’s history." (Abstract)
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"Six in 10 adult Ethiopians (59%) own a mobile phone. But only 16% own a phone with Internet access. One in three (34%) own a radio, while 14% have a television set and only 2 % have a computer. The most common source of regular news (“every day” or “a few times a week”) for Ethiopians is th
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e radio (50%), followed by TV (24%), social media (12%), the Internet (9%), and newspapers (2%). A majority (59%) of Ethiopians assess the media as “somewhat free” or “completely free.” Only one in four (26%) consider the media “not very” or “not at all” free. But Ethiopians hold mixed views on just how free the media should be. While more than three-fourths (77%) want the media to report on government mistakes and corruption, almost half (48%) say the government should have the right to prevent the publication of things it disapproves of. And large majorities endorse the government’s right to prohibit the sharing of false information (79%) and hate speech (73%). Majorities say social media users (55%), politicians (52%), and activists (51%) “sometimes” or “often” knowingly spread false information or “fake news.” Only three in 10 Ethiopians (30%) have heard about social media. Among these citizens, more than half (54%) say social media has “somewhat positive” or “very positive” effects on society, while 35% see its effects as mostly negative." (Key findings, page 2)
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"[This book] provides an overview of the key issues in global journalism today and traces how media systems have evolved over time in different world regions. Taking into account local context as well as technological change across media industries, the book offers an up-to-date, thorough overview o
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f media developments in all world regions embedded in their unique political, cultural and economic context. Covering theoretical foundations of global journalism, from the classic Four Theories of the Press to more nuanced media models, this text proposes a framework for studying world media systems. Contributed chapters cover a wide range of topics, including media freedom, global news cultures, professional ethics and responsibilities, and education of global journalists, as well as the role of technology and issues such as fake news, soft power and public diplomacy, foreign news reporting and international news flow." (Publisher description)
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