"A hostile takeover of Egypt’s media is under way, leaving the influence on public opinion to be controlled by the state, the secret services and a few wealthy owners loyal to the regime and with close ties to the former president Hosni Mubarak. In a move to gain influence over the State-owned med
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ia, the media giant Egyptian Media group signed several deals with the National Media authority on 20 January 2019 extending its control and increasing the influence of the General Intelligence over the Egyptian media landscape. The coordinated attack on media freedom and pluralism is facilitated by a set of new laws restructuring the media sector in 2018 and by the ongoing pressure on journalists and media workers by the state." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/egypt)
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"Este libro, como pocos, cuenta la historia de todo aquello que el periodismo debería ser y, al mismo tiempo, de todas sus debilidades. Cuatro valientes guerreros de la libertad de expresión, ejerciendo su función fundamental de lanzar luz sobre graves violaciones de derechos humanos, son permane
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ntemente silenciados. Al buscar la verdad, terminan ellos mismos por ser protagonistas de un trágico episodio. Esta investigación, ejemplo sin par de un proceso de memoria y verdad, estoy seguro es, a la vez, una herramienta para poner fin a la impunidad en el caso particular ilustrado por el libro y fuente de inspiración para procurar justicia en otros casos de asesinatos de periodistas que siguen sin dar castigo a los victimarios. Memoria, verdad, justicia, violaciones de derechos humanos, investigación, impunidad, palabras clave que acompañan el ejercicio del periodismo y que componen el hilo conductor de este brillante trabajo." (Guilherme Canela, Consejero regional de Comunicación e Información de la UNESCO, en la tapa posterior del libro)
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"With particularly low internet penetration rates, intense state censorship and heavy Chinese investment, Pakistan presents elements of an authoritarian internet culture where surveillance is a barely-questioned norm, unless probed by civil society organizations or journalists. Social media giants s
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uch as Facebook and Twitter have come into minor clashes with the Pakistani government where enforcing content blockage/regulation is concerned. For example, the government in 2018 expanded the remit of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) to allow the regulator to block various types of content.[1] Journalists have begun to self-censor out of threats to their lives. Nearly 88% of Pakistan’s journalists said that they selfcensored, according to a 2018 survey carried out by Media Matters for Democracy, a local NGO. China, with its China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and One Belt One Road initiative, is exporting its regulatory model of surveillance to Pakistan, thus worsening the situation. A handful of digital human rights civil society organizations have sprung up over the past few years such as Media Matters for Democracy, Digital Rights Foundation and Bytes4All, all with the aim of fighting back against invasion of privacy, freedom of speech, and safety of journalists, and raising awareness about the issue of internet and human rights in Pakistan." (Page 4)
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"La paz parece haber sido esquiva en la historia de Colombia. Los vaivenes en los procesos de negociación, las promesas incumplidas y la polarización política han hecho de Colombia una nación en un estado de continua crisis y que, a pesar de sí misma —retomando la vieja frase de Bushnell— h
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a logrado mantenerse a flote y, sobre todo, no perder la esperanza de una paz estable y duradera. Numerosos han sido los intentos por construirla y parecen haber sido infructuosos, en especial porque buena parte de la representación colectiva que tenemos de ellos ha sido construida desde el aparataje mediático que, en el caso de nuestro país, ha estado al servicio del poder y que ha redundado en un escepticismo que, especialmente desde los años noventa, ha tendido a transformarse en una fuerte polarización. Con este libro queremos no solo pensar la paz y el (pos)conflicto desde la comunicación, sino recordar(nos), una vez más, que aún podemos ser un nosotros." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The study has found that African countries have broadened the range of measures that govern the use of digital communications including the internet. The implementation of oppressive laws and regulations is on the rise in the countries under review. It is evident that countries are using legislatio
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n to legitimise practices which are otherwise unlawful to impose restrictions and internet controls. While laws in place are touted as necessary towards fighting cybercrime or enhancing cybersecurity in the countries, they are largely directed towards stemming opposition, clamping down on criticism and quelling local dissent. Increasingly, the countries reviewed appear to adopt a similar pattern of measures across the board, which have been increasing gradually since 1999, as the use of the internet continues to rise. The key reasons given by governments are the need to safeguard national security and maintain public order." (Conclusion, page 43)
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"The year 2019 was challenging for Sri Lanka, with the Easter Sunday Attacks and the subsequent anti-Muslim riots paralyzing the country and the economy. After the Easter Sunday attacks, the first terrorist attacks on Sri Lankan soil in a decade, it was expected that the media would play a responsib
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le role in reporting on the tragedy and addressing the preceding circumstances. However, many Media Sustainability Index (MSI) panelists believe that after a few days of responsible reporting of relaying government warnings and urging the public to be careful, most media stations decided to capitalize on fear and mistrust to fulfill their commercial and political agendas. After the Easter Sunday attackers were revealed to be Islamic fundamentalists, many media institutions, especially the private media, shifted their tone and fostered a culture of fear and suspicion against Muslims. Many attributed anti-Muslim riots that took place in May 2019 to the media’s anti-Muslim rhetoric [...] Many MSI panelists with print media ties expressed serious concern over the industry’s future. They noted that following the Easter Sunday attacks and the impact on advertising, a significant number of people were laid off, employee benefits were cut, and advertisers have not returned, even though the economy somewhat recovered in late 2019. Although mainstream media, especially print, has faced many disruptions in the last 20 years (i.e., the digitization of content, the spread of social media, and the acceleration of mobile consumption), the panelists believe the current disruption may be unprecedented. Panelists warned that unless media owners analyze the situation and make significant changes, the economic crisis following the Easter Sunday attacks, will exacerbate the print media’s decline." (Page 5)
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"Significant advances in Freedom of Expression and Media Integrity, as measured in the GSoD Indices, have been achieved in the last four decades. Citizens around the world are today more able to enjoy the freedom to openly discuss political issues, and to have access to a diverse and critical media,
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than they were 40 years ago. These advances go hand in hand with the global democratic expansion witnessed since the third wave of democratization initiated in the 1970s. However, the last decade has seen an increasing number of countries declining on these measures. These declines are seen across all ranges of democratic performance, with Europe being the region with the greatest number of countries experiencing declines. The explanatory factors for the declines vary across countries. In some cases, the declines have occurred in the context of general democratic breakdown, aimed at limiting the space for opposition, silencing critical voices and manipulating electoral processes, while in other cases, it has occurred in a context of less severe democratic deterioration, explained by the rise of nationalist political parties, and justified by arguments of national sovereignty, law and order, national security and firm responses to terrorism. Democracies nurture themselves from a range of societal voices, critical and less critical of the state. However, if the critical voices are silenced, the space for democratic deliberation narrows. Thus, independent of the driving factors, the declines in Freedom of Expression and Media Integrity represent a weakening of an important mechanism of democratic accountability. It is essential for regimes, international actors and civil society to take every step possible to ensure that these rights are safeguarded, so that societies can benefit from the full range of views that make up the democratic fabric of societies." (Conclusion, page 8)
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"Popular support for media freedom continues to decline, dropping to below half (47%) of respondents across 34 countries. More Africans (49%) now say governments should have the right to prevent publications they consider harmful. Twenty-five of 31 countries tracked since 2011 experienced declines i
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n support for media freedom over that period, including steep drops in Tanzania (-33 percentage points), Cabo Verde (-27), Uganda (-21), and Tunisia (-21). Yet more Africans see the media’s freedom to investigate and criticize government as increasing (43%) than declining (32%). Countries vary widely in their assessments, from 80% of Gambians who see more media freedom to 66% of Gabonese who see less. Africans are generally dissatisfied with the state of the media. Of those who say freedom is increasing in their country, a majority (54%) support increased government regulations. However, among those who assess freedom as decreasing, a majority (54%) support media freedom over government regulations. Radio remains the top source for mass-media news, though its dominance is declining: 42% report using it every day, down 5 percentage points from 2011/2013. Television is a daily news source for about one in three Africans (35%), and is the top source for news in nine countries. Only 7% read newspapers daily. Reliance on the Internet and social media for news is increasing rapidly. Almost one in five Africans say they use the Internet (18%) and/or social media (19%) daily for news. Use of the Internet and social media for news is significantly higher among younger, urban, and better-educated populations, and there are important differences between countries and regions regarding access." (Key findings)
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"Based on an analysis of the use of AI-driven tools in the light of Article 10 EHCR, this report highlights a number of points for attention and the need for further initiatives. In particular, we signal that:
- There is an important role for member States to ensure that access to innovative technol
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ogies, training data, digital skills and education in the use of new data-driven means of producing and distributing news is also open to smaller, local players. This is important also in the light of the growing competition with new media players, such as internet intermediaries, and the need to protect and promote diverse media markets.
- While the use of AI-driven tools in the media is in principle covered by Article 10 ECHR, the protection afforded under Article 10 ECHR also comes with specific duties and responsibilities for the media. In particular, we signal the need to and make concrete proposals for the development of professional algorithmic ethics regarding the question of how to promote the use of AI-driven tools in a way that is compatible with human rights and fundamental freedoms.
- In addition to the development of professional algorithmic ethics, the positive obligations of member States include the need to identify clear conditions for the responsibility and (editorial) oversight regarding automated processes, be that AI-driven recommendations in the media, media intermediaries or robot journalism, but also for creating fair conditions for the media to flourish in data-driven media markets." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"On 26 February 1976, after almost a century of colonization, Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, throwing the territory wide open for Moroccan civil and military occupation and abandoning tens of thousands Sahrawis to their fate. More than four decades later, the Western Sahara, officially the last
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territory in Africa that remains to be decolonized, is still trapped in political limbo, divided into three parts: the areas occupied by Morocco, those held by the Polisario Front, and the refugee camps in Tindouf (Algeria). Journalism is one of the many victims of this conflict, which has been forgotten by the media spotlight and left as a virtual news “black hole”. Morocco, ranked 135th in RSF’s World Press Freedom Index, controls information in the territory with an iron fist, ruthlessly punishing the practice of local journalism and blocking foreign media access. Torture, arrests, physical abuse, persecution, intimidation, harassment, slander, defamation, technological sabotage, and lengthy prison sentences are daily fare for Sahrawi journalists. Despite the severity of Morocco’s repression and its policy of deporting foreign correspondents, and despite the silence on the conflict reigning in world media, Sahrawi reporters of a new generation are running extraordinary risks to keep the torch of journalism burning and to prevent Western Sahara from being buried under the sands of oblivion." (Abstract)
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"La libertad de expresión debe convivir con el respeto al derecho ajeno. Pero, ¿quién determina dónde se ubica exactamente ese límite? En una sociedad democrática como la nuestra que está regida por un Estado de derecho, es la ley la que regula esa dinámica. Aunque bien sabemos que las leyes
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no son expresión de las necesidades colectivas o de la equidad en las relaciones humanas. Por tanto, la delicada relación entre libertad y regulación se convierte en un terreno de negociación y disputa en el que las respuestas definitivas y consensuales resultan imposibles de alcanzar. Una de las instituciones que durante un siglo intentó ejercer esa regulación en el Perú fue el jurado de imprenta, que es el objeto de estudio de este exhaustivo trabajo del magistrado Carlos Ramos Núñez, el más importante historiador del derecho que ha producido nuestro país. En este nuevo libro, el autor ilumina el accionar de una institución que, sorprendentemente, no había recibido hasta ahora la atención que se merece. El jurado de imprenta se dedicaba a procesar casos de delitos de imprenta que podemos considerar comunes, en oposición a aquellos de naturaleza claramente política. Estos últimos constituyeron solo una pequeña fracción del total de casos existentes. Ciudadanos ordinarios que veían sus derechos y su honor afectados por alguna publicación recurrían al jurado de imprenta para intentar obtener justicia y castigar conductas contrarias a la convivencia y el respeto mutuo." (Editorial)
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"This book examines the role played by two popular private newspapers in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe, one case from colonial Rhodesia and the other from the post-colonial era. It argues that, operating under oppressive political regimes and in the dearth of credible opposition political p
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arties or as a platform for opposition political parties, the African Daily News, between 1956-1964, and the Daily News, between 1999-2003, played an essential role in opening up spaces for political freedom in the country. Both newspapers were ultimately shut down by the respective government of the time. The newspapers allowed reading publics the opportunity to participate in politics by providing a daily analytical alternative, to that offered by the government and the state media, in relation to the respective political crises that unfolded in each of these periods. The book further examines both the information policies pursued by the different governments and the way these affected the functioning of private media in their quest to provide an "ideal" public sphere. It explores issues of ownership, funding and editorial policies in reference to each case and how these affected the production of news and issue coverage. It considers issues of class and geography in shaping public response. It also focuses on state reactions to the activities of these newspapers and how these, in turn, affected the activities of private media actors. Finally, it considers the cases together to consider the meanings of the closing down of these newspapers during the two eras under discussion and contributes to the debates about print media vis-à-vis the new forms of media that have come to the fore." (Back cover)
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