"The Media Freedom Analyzer developed by Laura Schneider is a new way to measure global media freedom in a more objective, unbiased and transparent way. Grounded in the opinions of around 1000 experts from 126 countries, the index is the first empirically validated tool to assess free and independen
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t media across the world. The existing press freedom rankings are frequently criticized for being arbitrary and having a Western bias. This book tackles this very problem. In times of widespread populism, disinformation and mistrust in the media, it is vitally important to have an assessment tool that is accepted across cultures." (Publisher description)
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"Although Nepal has entered a new era of democracy and press freedom since 2006, self-censorship still exists in the reporting/editing of many Nepali journalists. Nepal has more than 100 years of press history, most of it has faced pressure from the government if not censorship. Drawing upon intervi
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ews with journalists, the chapter demonstrates how self-censorship is being practised in Nepali media houses as a result of state power, the culture of impunity, commercial interests, and political inclination of journalists. While highlighting these agents, the chapter also aims to explain the difference in practices of self-censorship by gender and type of news media." (Abstract)
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"The relevance of new digital media in Egypt had increased in the past 15 years. Many scholars and commentators attribute the Tahrir Revolution in 2011 directly to the rise of the Internet, as it was widely called Facebook Revolution. However, the article maintains that this is a simplified view of
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the events and interactions between media, politics and the online sphere. While the semi-liberal phase in the mid-2000s and the new technologies led to a vibrant blogosphere and opened up online spaces for otherwise marginalized voices, it took real grievances and real activism on the ground that interacted together. Since 2015, there are increasing signs of controlling the Internet: zero toleration policies towards dissent and criticism have marked the years through increased police control and imprisoning journalists, as well as takeover of all semi-independent media outlets and use of online surveillance technologies. Currently, more than 500 websites and news media are banned within Egypt [...] In addition to the restrictions, the professional media scene faces numerous crises: one of which is the erosion of the economic viability of media in times of a massive journalism crisis. Another crisis is the declining professionalism and reproduction of loyalist and propagandistic practices due to self-censorship and clientelist practices within a highly restrictive environment. These developments fragment the professional community of journalists across numerous political camps and weakens unionizing efforts. Finally, the audiences are increasingly pushed away from politics. Based on the analysis and challenges, the Egyptian media are heading into the unknown: “death of journalism”, extreme depoliticization of the public sphere and restrictive media environment weaken the media system. Under the current circumstances—and unlike former President Mubarak’s policies—no politician will push for progress and investments in the media sector. The Supreme Media Regulatory Council announced an ambitious digitization plan of the media; no clear agenda is seen, except tightening control and advancing loyalist media." (Abstract)
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"The findings show a general stagnation or deterioration of media pluralism and media freedom in the four major areas encompassed by the Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM): Basic protection, Market plurality, Political independence and Social inclusiveness. The study comprises the European Union Member S
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tates (UK included, considering the timeframe of the project-the UK left the EU in 2020) as well as in candidate countries, Turkey, and for the first time, an assessment of Albania. The MPM 2020 has confirmed the findings of the previous four rounds of monitoring – showing that none of the countries analysed are free from risks to media pluralism." (https://cmpf.eui.eu/mpm2020-results)
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"Key trends: Fueling the pandemic, a dangerous “disinfodemic” has arisen; Against soaring demand for verified information, independent media have risen to the challenge; Technology companies are taking action, but more transparency is needed; Some regulatory measures have led to new restrictions
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of human rights; To keep the public informed, journalists are putting their own safety at risk; The economic impact of COVID-19 may pose an existential threat to journalism; Amid the crisis, there are new opportunities to stand up for journalism." (Page 1)
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"The increased political capture of the Yemeni media since 2014 has reinforced diverging political discourses and has contributed to polarization across society and to political fragmentation. Content of newspapers, television and online platforms has further eroded journalistic standards through th
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e circulation of articles and news with biased angles, ungrounded “facts” and ethical disregard. Practitioners face steep chal- lenges in composing professional stories. Journalists are subject to harassment, intimidation, abduction and violence. The destruction of infrastructure, currency devaluation and delays in salary payment also inhibit media operations. Yet, journalists remain hopeful of the prospect of media reform and are eager to detail the prerequisites for proactive change. Encouraging the development of independent news outlets, independent funding and capacity-building activities could en- able the media to contribute to mutual understanding, de-escalation and the requirements for peace." (Executive summary)
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"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in
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the country's press freedom ranking is indicative of a complex and hostile social, political, and economic environment pushing at the boundaries of media that is struggling to perform independently as the fourth estate. This chapter takes a critical look at imminent threats to freedom of speech and expression faced by the Indian media in the contemporary situation. The first objective of the chapter is to identify diverse threats to the Indian media, specifically journalism. The second objective is to trace both immediate as well as distal factors that breed hostility towards the media, with a focus on press laws and constitutional provisions in India." (Abstract)
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"Mit einer Reform 2018 wurden die Grundrechte in der kubanischen Verfassung stärker verankert, ein zarter Hoffnungsschimmer für die Bevölkerung. Doch in der Praxis sind die Kubaner noch immer stark eingeschränkt. Besonders die Meinungs- und Versammlungsfreiheit sind erheblich limitiert und werde
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n de facto von der Regierung aktiv unterbunden. Der zaghafte digitale Fortschritt in Kuba und die Coronakrise bringen sogar noch zusätzliche Einschränkungen für Kubaner mit sich." (Seite 1)
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"This document sets out ECPMF’s strategic approach to tackle the existing and emerging challenges over the next five years. Starting in September 2019, the creation of this plan is the result of several stages of research, feedback from staff and board members as well as partners and beneficiaries
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across Europe. It clearly articulates ECPMF’s vision, mission and organisational values, as well as the three core strands of the organisation’s work to ‘Monitor’, ‘Support’ and ‘Engage’. Our short term 2020-21 targets reflect ECPMF’s current top-line project commitments, including through the newly launched Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR). These concrete activity based targets will be reviewed year on year, in line with ECPMF’s overarching key strategic priorities that we have mapped out for the organisation to achieve by 2024." (Introduction, page 4)
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"It may be observed that, first, at the level of public perception, government actions to restrict free speech are often preceded by statements criticizing the media and foreshadowing a penalty or sanction, which are actually directed to the public and not the media, as if to prime the latter on the
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acceptability of the planned restrictions. The president and his personnel routinely come up with fresh allegations, repeated over time, to discredit journalists and the media, which, in a social media environment crowded with ‘trolls’ and which is at the mercy of algorithms, may be deeply reinforced by echo chambers and confirmation bias. Second, to justify the implementation of legal restrictions, law personnel take a very liberal interpretation of laws, which just straggles the line between what is allowable and what is not (the idea of “continuing publication”; vagueness in the terms “public interest,” “spreading panic or fear,” etc.) thereby allowing the interpretation a degree of legitimacy, since it not entirely wrong and is subjective. Third, freedom of expression is not the only battlefront, so to speak, as evinced by government’s reexaminations of corporate registrations, licenses, permits, and franchises of media entities. At their core, media entities are corporations and journalists are mostly employees (if not contributors) and in that context, there is space for government agencies to nitpick on documents submitted to their offices as part of regulatory compliance, and prepare in advance legal arguments based on records under their custody." (Summary and conclusion, page 40)
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