"The three case studies depict a range of repressive efforts that are calibrated to achieve particular ends. Sometimes, the authorities choose to co-opt independent voices. In other instances, the regime may create new government-backed versions of media initiatives or civic organizations which mimi
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c the form but not the substance of their authentic counterparts. Some techniques emphasize regulatory controls, while others utilize economic or financial pressure. All three regimes rely on broadly worded laws to punish critics and encourage self-censorship. State-run media remain dominant sources of information for most of the population in each country, and are used by the authorities as a weapon to tarnish and subvert the work of civil society activists and independent journalists." (Introduction, page 8)
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"El inicio del siglo XXI ha venido marcado por los debates que, en el plano internacional, están sometiendo a revisión la comunicación para el desarrollo con el fin de proponer otras alternativas como comunicación para el cambio social o comunicación para el empoderamiento ciudadano y ecosocial
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. El debate conceptual que tiene lugar está lejos de resolverse con una respuesta fácil e inmediata, en la medida en que todos los términos que entran en escena requieren de un trabajo genealógico que permita identificar las tensiones, los actores sociales y las perspectivas de investigación en conflicto." (Editorial)
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"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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"In order to offer a more nuanced account of the relationship between online media and politics, this article proposes a theoretical framework that pays attention to discursive struggles, identifies strategies to contest hegemonic discourses, and employs a broadened notion of politics, referred to a
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s minimal politics. The framework is then used to analyze a corpus of Weibo (microblog) posts published by the charity organization, Love Save Pneumoconiosis (LSP). LSP activists use Weibo to campaign for medical treatment for workers with pneumoconiosis, and the article identifies two strategies of contestation in LSP activists' online activism. First, LSP activists articulate alternative discourses that challenge the hegemony of official discourses. Second, LSP activists' discourses are polyphonic expressions that legitimize the organization's work, while subtly politicizing the problem of pneumoconiosis. The strategies of contestation used by LSP activists exemplify how political contestation is possible in repressive contexts and illustrate the need to refine the theories used to study the political impact of online media." (Abstract)
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"In the early 1990s, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa’s most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of
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its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution’s most ambitious goals." (Abstract)
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"From Tehran to Tahrir Square to Gezi Park-to mention only three key sites of protest made prominent in 2013-social media has been lauded as one of the key factors enabling popular uprisings and social movements. This has provided further hype for new or digital media, which were already being toute
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d as a tool for social change, liberation, and the representation of marginalized or oppressed voices. In this essay, I argue not against new media per se but against technological determinism and fetishism. I argue that the transformative or repressive potential of different media changes dramatically across different sites of research and depends on the sociopolitical realities of the region being studied, including factors such as censorship, access, and infrastructure. Drawing on my research in Afghanistan, Iran, and Tajikistan, among other neighboring countries, I show the striking differences in the degree of effectiveness and ineffectiveness of different media in bringing about social change in those respective countries as well as regionally. Comparatively speaking, I focus on television and social media's catalytic role in stirring popular uprisings and the subsequent backlash and attack on those media. I also examine the gendered dimensions and dangers of media use and activism. In the case of Afghanistan, I consider the impact of international and transnational funding of media and human rights efforts. I conclude that in order for international interventions into local social movements to succeed, international experts in development, human rights, and media must take the lead from local residents and contexts, technologically and culturally, and work collaboratively with them." (Abstract)
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"The study will begin by defining and classifying social media and will go on to explain the reach and role of these media in developing contexts, in particular when used for political communication, interaction and decision-making processes. In a second chapter, risks and benefits of social media a
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nd political participation in developing contexts will be reviewed. The heart of the study will be the third chapter, where 10 case studies will demonstrate the bandwidth of use of social media for political participation. The case studies offer insight into different forms of citizen to government and government to citizen interaction using different types of social media. They have been authored by people directly involved as creators or users of the projects featured from different countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa. The study will provide an assessment on the impact social media can have on the work of German development cooperation in the area of good governance and conclude with a set of recommendations how to incorporate social media into their good governance programmes." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Leading media scholars from nine Asian nations focus on three main questions: How frequently do Asians use social media to access and discuss political information? Does the use of social media increase political participation? What political, social and cultural factors influence the impact of soc
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ial media on political engagement in each nation? To answer these questions, contributors first analyze the current state of social media in their nations and then present the findings of a cross-national survey on social media use that was conducted with over 3,500 Asian respondents. By employing a comparative approach, they analyze how social media function and interact with the cultural and political systems in each country - and how they might affect political engagement among individual citizens." (Back cover)
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"Es lässt sich also feststellen, dass der Dokumentarfilm der Demokratie insofern zuträglich ist, da er seinen Schwerpunkt auf der Gewährleistung der Validierungs-, Orientierungs-, Informations-, Bildungs- und Sozialisationsfunktion hat, während das citizen journalism footage sich insbesondere da
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durch auszeichnet, dass es der Beobachter-, Informations-, Artikulations- und Kritik- und Kontrollfunktion verstärkt gerecht wird. Indem also das citizen journalism footage durch professionelle Instanzen in eine den gängigen Konventionen entsprechenende Form des etablierten Dokumentarfilms gebracht wird, können so die demokratieförderlichen Attribute ,alter‘ und ,neuer‘ Medien ergänzend kombiniert werden." (Conclusio, Seite 75-76)
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"Nas próximas páginas queremos dar uma olhada ampla sobre a prática e os desafios da radiodifusão comunitária no Brasil e em outros países. Convidamos uma turma diversa de 11 autoras e autores, entre elas e eles jornalistas, radialistas, acadêmicos e advogadas. As suas abordagens são origina
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is, convidam-nos para conhecer a radiodifusão comunitária de perto de um ângulo tanto crítico como solidário. São expostos nos textos como organizações internacionais e nacionais influenciam sobre o acesso e o uso do espectro eletromagnético, nos contam dos problemas cotidianos das emissoras independentes no Brasil, México e nos Estados Unidos para conseguir uma outorga. E perguntam por que as rádios comunitárias reproduzem a falta de interesse no esporte feminino, não conseguem romper por completo com tendências homofóbicas da imprensa e não defendem com maior vigor o acesso de migrantes aos ondas eletromagnéticos." (Página 4)
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"In this article it is argued that members of audience from different parts of Tanzania use mobile phones to participate in dialogue taking place on national radio (TBC-TAIFA) and/or national television (TBC1), and share their knowledge and lived experiences with the national audience as if they liv
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ed next door to each other. Further, the findings of this study show that TBC journalists use mobile phones to interact and involve the audiences in the processes of producing programmes. Consequently, TBC communication has become less hierarchical, more two-way, horizontal, and interactive. Moreover, the study reveals that the audiences use phone-in programmes on TBC as a platform to air the voices and concerns of the grass-roots population. Thus, the use of mobile phones as tools for participatory communication via TBC sets an agenda, which helps to bring about some social changes and transformation." (Abstract)
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"This dissertation explores the role of community media in democratic civil society governance through an examination of participatory communications under socialist administrations in Latin America, with a primary focus on the Bolivarian government of Venezuela. In so doing, it seeks to establish a
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theoretical framework that will facilitate publicly supported democratic media systems capable of displacing hegemonic commercial and state models. One major axis of investigation is the utility of public sphere theory for the structuration of participatory media institutions that function within a system of civil society governance." (Abstract)
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"This research presents a picture of a public in Burma that, to varying degrees, lacks knowledge, confidence, motivation and opportunity to participate in governance processes and make their voices heard. However, the study provides objective evidence that a relationship exists between people’s me
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dia access and their level of citizen engagement. Access to public service oriented media increases the likelihood of being formally engaged rather than disengaged. Even when accounting for those characteristics that can act as barriers for the individual to engage in governance processes – being female, being poor and living in rural areas – the effect of media on engagement is significant." (Key findings)
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