"Despite the large number of studies on fake news detection, they have not yet been combined to offer coherent insight on trends and advancements in this domain. Hence, the primary objective of this study was to fill this knowledge gap. The method for selecting the pertinent articles for extraction
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was created using the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses (PRISMA). This study reviewed deep learning, machine learning, and ensemble-based fake news detection methods by a meta-analysis of 125 studies to aggregate their results quantitatively. The meta-analysis primarily focused on statistics and the quantitative analysis of data from numerous separate primary investigations to identify overall trends. The results of the meta-analysis were reported by the spatial distribution, the approaches adopted, the sample size, and the performance of methods in terms of accuracy. According to the statistics of between-study variance high heterogeneity was found [...] The findings of the meta-analysis demonstrated satisfaction with the effectiveness of the recommended approaches from the primary studies on fake news detection that were included." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of this systematic literature review is to review the major studies about misinformation and fake news during COVID-19 on social media. A total of 144 articles studies were retrieved from ScienceDirect, Scopus, and Web of Science databases and 20 relevant articles were selected using th
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e PRISMA technique. It was found that altruism, instant news sharing, self-promotion, and socialization are predictors of fake news sharing. Furthermore, the human mind plays a significant role in spreading misinformation while the role of critical thinking of individuals is very much important in controlling the flow of misinformation." (Abstract)
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"This paper aims to unpack a structured overview of previous research topics and findings and identify gaps. Our goal in this systematic review is to (a) synthesize the selected earlier studies, (b) offer researchers a structural framework for future COVID-19 and fake news research, and (c) recommen
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d relevant areas for future research. In this study, we focus on eighty conceptual and empirical studies on misinformation of COVID-19-related news on social media. We identify vital publications and methodological and theoretical approaches that exist in the COVID-19 literature. The articles were systematically analyzed, focusing on the research context and time frame, data collection/analysis procedures, and equivalence issues. While COVID-19 research has been advancing significantly over the past couple of months, numerous questions remain unexplained in the domain of the social media landscape. For example, our review suggests that researchers should begin to concentrate on a process framework blending Artificial Intelligence (AI) to curb the fake news problem. This can be achieved in all three phases, e.g., the study of individual decisions and experiences, the experiences of groups and organizations and the interactions between them, and finally, the interactions at the broadest level (micro, meso, and macro stages)." (Abstract)
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"The OECD convened a first-of-its kind international partnership on behavioural science and misinformation between the Canadian and the French governments to develop and disseminate behaviourally-informed and evidence-based solutions that can guide government response to misinformation. The study te
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sted 1,872 Canadians’ intentions to share false COVID-related headlines online with two behavioural interventions: an accuracy evaluation prompt and digital media literacy prompt. The data generated by this partnership show that the digital media literacy tips reduced intentions to share fake news online by 21% compared to the control group – having the greatest impact on online users. These insights can enable policy makers to enact measures that defend and empower online users against environments designed to exploit certain natural but maladaptive tendencies and place the control back into the hands of online users. Relying solely on traditional top-down approaches that aim to regulate content are insufficient at limiting the immediate dangers of misinformation. Innovative policy-making tools such as behavioural science can help provide immediate and long-term solutions to misinformation and should be considered as part of a holistic and comprehensive strategy to offset the threats of misinformation. Governments should conduct rigorous policy experiments in collaboration with other countries, like the one presented here, before enacting policy that affects a larger population to address the crossborder nature of misinformation." (Key policy messages, page 4)
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"Populist politicians increasingly accuse opposing media of spreading disinformation or “fake news.” However, empirical research on the effects of these accusations is scarce. This survey experiment (N = 1,330) shows that disinformation accusations reduce audience members’ trust in the accused
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news outlet and perceived accuracy of the news message, while trust in the accusing politician is largely unaffected. However, only individuals with strong populist attitudes generalize disinformation accusations to the media as an institution and reduce their general media trust. The phrase “fake news” does not amplify any of these effects. These findings suggest that politicians can undermine the credibility of journalism without much repercussion—a mechanism that might also threaten other authoritative information sources in democracies such as scientists and health authorities." (Abstract)
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"In this article, a theoretical model on the detection of deepfakes by ordinary citizens is introduced. The authors conducted three studies in which deepfakes with political content were presented. The deepfakes showed UK’s Prime Minister Boris Johnson or Barack Obama. In the deepfake videos, the
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two politicians said things they had never said in real life. The authors expected that people who regularly and automatically reflect on information they see (analytic thinking) are more likely to identify deepfakes correctly than people who tend to be less reflective, more intuitive. The authors further expected that interest in politics is positively related to detecting political deepfakes. Indeed, the higher participants’ scores on analytic thinking (Studies 1-2) and political interest (Study 1), the better participants identified the deepfakes. Moreover, people with high analytic thinking and political interest were better at identifying a fake news article to be inaccurate (whether or not a warranting deepfake video was presented, Study 3). It is discussed how researchers, everyday people, and whole societies can deal with deepfakes." (Lay summary)
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"We propose deception as a bridging concept that will enhance the study of misinformation, disinformation, and misperceptions. As we set it out here, the concept integrates insights from multiple social science disciplines and uniquely connects actors’ intentions, information, and attitudinal or b
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ehavioral outcomes. A focus on deception will enrich research that describes the existence of false and misleading information but stops short of identifying their influence. Equally, through its focus on how actors’ deceptive strategies are important in attempts to exercise power, it can augment the study of the cognitive and attitudinal biases that render people susceptible to misperceptions. We identify the main themes in the study of deception: media-systemic distortions in information supply; the relational interactions that both produce and activate cognitive biases; and the attributes, strategies, and techniques of deceptive entities. We conclude with a summary typology of 10 principal variables and their 57 focal indicators." (Abstract)
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"China is accused of conducting disinformation campaigns on Taiwan's social media. Existing studies on foreign interventions in democratic societies predict that such disinformation campaigns should lead to increasing partisan polarization within Taiwan. We argue that a backlash effect, making Taiwa
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n's citizens more united against China, is equally plausible. We conduct a survey experiment exposing participants to a real-life rumour and rebuttal to test these competing hypotheses. We find, at best, mixed evidence for polarization. Although neither rumour nor rebuttal mention China, there is consistent evidence of backlash against China. Most notably, participants across the political spectrum are more inclined to support Taiwanese independence after viewing the rumour rebuttal. These findings indicate that citizens may put aside partisanship when confronted with false news that is plausibly linked to an external actor. We conclude by discussing the broader applicability of our theory and implications for cross-Strait relations." (Abstract)
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"In the midst of heated debates surrounding the veracity and honesty of communication, scholarly attention has turned to the conceptualization of mis- and disinformation on the supply-side of (political) communication. Yet, we lack systematic research on the conceptualization of perceived mis- and d
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isinformation on the demand-side. Original survey data collected in ten European countries (N = 6,643) shows that news consumers distinguish general misinformation from disinformation. Yet, the high correlation between the two dimensions indicates that disinformation perceptions may be regarded as a sub-type of misinformation perceptions in which intentional deception is a core element. This paper aims to make a contribution to the misinformation and media credibility literature by proposing a first conceptualization of perceived untruthfulness corresponding to increasing levels of cynicism and skepticism toward the factual status and honesty of information." (Abstract)
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"Fake News" sind aus privaten wie politischen Unterhaltungen nicht mehr wegzudenken und erfahren mit der omnipräsenten Nutzung digitaler Kommunikationskanäle eine geradezu inflationäre Verbreitung. Die Beiträger*innen diskutieren vor dem Hintergrund verschiedener Disziplinen der Humanities Forme
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n und Folgen von Wissens- und Informationsvermittlung, Wahrheitsreduktion und Wirklichkeitsbeschneidung sowie Täuschung und Beeinflussung der öffentlichen Meinung. Sie erschließen den Begriff aus einer interdisziplinären und diachronen Perspektive und eröffnen Einsichten in die verschiedenen Bedeutungsnuancen des Phänomens." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Content moderation at scale is an extremely complicated issue, however by looking at specific examples such as the case studies and data highlighted in this study, the conversation can start to take into account more diverse experiences and context that is normally overlooked. Emerging from these e
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xperiences are recommendations for reform and structural change reflected in focus group discussions and demands by activists in the region, some of which are reproduced below. 1. Over-reliance on automated systems should be revised in light of issues emerging from non-English speaking markets. The failure of these systems to adequately account for context should be reason enough to fundamentally revise systems and protocols underpinning them. 2. Dedicating more resources to human-based content moderation in non-Western contexts. The disparity of material resources between countries considered “key economies” and the “rest of the world” is startling and has resulted in enormous challenges for societies and political structures elsewhere [...] 3. Radical transparency by tech platforms regarding the ways in which content moderation policies are formulated and implemented should be high on the priority of digital platforms [...] 4. Content moderation decisions are often one-sided, with little recource for users who are aggrieved by the decisions, both for false positives or inaction by platforms. Meta's Oversight Board is a positive start but the model only impacts select cases. There needs to be a robust and time-responsive system for appeals that provides users with complete information regarding content moderation decisions and responsive action on appeals. 5. Content moderation decisions by tech platforms, and inaction in equal measure, have resulted in tangible real-world harms in the past and present." (Conclusion, page 23-24)
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"In light of the role played by state-aligned actors, the private sector and lawmakers in countries with strong democratic institutions should adopt policies that mitigate the ability of state actors to manipulate AI and weaponize communication platforms. Efforts to combat disinformation must recogn
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ize that a range of private companies beyond just tech firms are implicated in information manipulation and must put safeguards in place. For example, registration and financing limits on paid PR firms, domestic and foreign, and better oversight by tech platforms on how their platforms are used by state actors is essential. Furthermore, greater transparency about all types of advertising and paid content promotion is needed, not just about political advertising in a handful of Western countries. This could be implemented through existing election laws and paid advertising regulations [...] Any meaningful efforts to combat disinformation will need to address the politicization of social media manipulation and influence operations, and their integration into electoral politics. Lawmakers should implement restrictions on the use of moderation mercenaries, black PR firms, and social media manipulation by those entrusted with public office. Countries should not only require great transparency for the platforms themselves, but should also practice what they preach by adopting transparency requirements for state and government entities related to advertising and outreach on social media and messaging platforms. Tech platforms must reduce the profitability of intentional and opportunistic disinformation efforts, including by reducing the prevalence and ease of plagiarism or the “recycling” of news content for clickbait. Reducing the economic incentives for click-bait, "churnalism", and regurgitated journalistic content would help deter the profit-driven non-ideological actors in these disinformation networks." (Conclsuions and recommendations, page 24-25)
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"The largest-ever analysis of Google’s ad practices on non-English-language websites reveals how the tech giant makes disinformation profitable." (Introduction)
"This paper has four parts. First, it outlines current research and definitions relating to false and misleading digital content and looks at children's behaviour in the digital environment. Second, the concepts of media literacy, digital literacy and other relevant competencies are discussed. Third
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, research on children’s experiences of false and misleading digital content and their perceived levels of digital media literacy is analysed. Finally, policies and practices which deliver media literacy are discussed. Research limitations and other barriers, such as teacher training, are described." (Abstract, page 4)
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"This chapter explores digital drivers of conflict. We examine how technologies are affecting conflict dynamics and what peacebuilders can do to mitigate these effects. We argue that because digital technologies are fundamentally altering the human experience, they are by extension fundamentally alt
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ering conflicts. We propose a framework for understanding the impact of technology on conflict, and for categorising different types of peacebuilding interventions. Together, these interventions contribute to the emerging field of digital peacebuilding." (Abstract)
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"The war in Ukraine is just the latest instance where attention-grabbing events have fuelled the rapid spread of false or misleading news about refugees and migrants. This Issue Paper examines the challenges posed by disinformation about refugees from Ukraine, as well as the responses taken so far t
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o address it. It inspects which disinformation actors spread false claims about Ukrainian refugees, and how. It sheds light on why migration-related disinformation is so pervasive and how disinformation narratives change over time and space. It also examines which audiences are more susceptible to online disinformation. The paper also identifies positive developments and shortcomings in the EU's responses." (Executive Summary, page 5)
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"Colombia's 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrilla sought to end fifty years of war, and won President Juan Manuel Santos the Nobel Peace Prize. Yet Colombian society rejected it in a polarizing referendum, amid an emotive disinformation campaign. A renegotiated deal began to be implemented, a
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lbeit haunted by a legitimacy deficit. Gwen Burnyeat, a political anthropologist and peace practitioner, joined the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace, the government institution responsible for peace negotiations, which created a "peace pedagogy" strategy, a world first in peace processes, to explain the agreement to Colombian society. Her multi-scale ethnography, based on unprecedented access to government officials, reveals the challenges they experienced in representing the government to skeptical audiences and translating the peace process for public opinion. Through peace pedagogy, officials embodied the government and became the relay between state and citizens--effectively, the face of the Santos government. Burnyeat argues that Santos' failure to mobilize society was the fatal flaw in the peace process. As in the UK's Brexit referendum and the US Trump election, rational explanations were powerless against disinformation because political views are shaped by emotions, culture, history, and identity. The Face of Peace offers the Colombian case as a mirror to the global crisis of liberalism, shattering the fantasy of rationality that haunts liberal responses to "post-truth" politics." (Publisher description)
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"The proliferation of conspiracy theories surrounding George Soros and the ‘Globalist invasion’ had been concentrated primarily in Eastern Europe, Russia and the United States. However, since Jair Bolsonaro’s presidential victory in Brazil, Soros has become a target of the far-right in the cou
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ntry. On Soros’ 90th Birthday in August 2020, the right-wing group ‘Movement for Conservative Brazil’ (Movimento Brasil Conservador – MBC) launched a campaign called ‘International Day Against George Soros’, aiming to attack the billionaire’s reputation. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how this campaign worked across online platforms as a strategy to popularize the Globalism conspiracy theory in the biggest Latin American country. We aim (1) to map the dynamics of disinformation dissemination across chat apps using hyperlink analysis; and (2) to interpret conspiratorial narratives about George Soros shared on chat apps during the month of his 90th birthday. We collected messages mentioning the anti-Soros campaign in WhatsApp and Telegram public groups and channels to extract hyperlinks and domains. These websites were manually categorized in an effort to analyze which conspiracy theories about George Soros are being disseminated on chat apps in Brazil. Our results suggest an increasing cross-platform dissemination of narratives attacking Soros. This case study illustrates how the rise of a transnationally networked political right has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital communication infrastructure through which conspiracy theories circulate." (Abstract)
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