"West Africa sits at a critical juncture that will determine whether the coming years are spent defending against reversals in media freedom and pluralism, or moving forward toward new and lasting progress. In this context, the Media Foundation for West Africa consulted stakeholders from all 16 coun
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tries of the West Africa region on the question of how cross-border coalitions can help to promote a robust and independent press. This report puts forward a vision for such a region-wide strategy, and how it can coordinate the efforts of civil society organizations, media actors, government allies, and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Specifically, the report highlights four concrete actions that could be taken as the foundation for such a coordinated, regional strategy: 1. Formulate a network of media freedom and governance groups and enter into a memorandum of understanding with ECOWAS; 2. Initiate a process and strategy for supplemental protocols and a subsequent legislative review to align national legislation; 3. Commission comprehensive regional research to provide contextually relevant recommendations on media sustainability interventions; 4. Integrate capacity-building efforts into broader governance agendas, including elections and peace-building." (Key findings)
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"DW Akademie’s project in Colombia supports initiatives that promote the inclusion of diverse experiences in the country’s historical memory, focusing in particular on the local effects of the peace process. In general, these initiatives are aimed at giving Colombians, mainly victims and people
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in post-conflict areas, access to human rights-related information. To this end, the project works with different implementing partners and approaches: Consejo de Redacción (CdR) to develop training and journalistic consultancy services in regions affected by armed conflict; the community radio station Vokaribe to strengthen the community media sector on the Atlantic coast; the University of Antioquia (UdeA) in Medellín, to support the establishment of an academic centre for journalism and historical memory, as well as the training of local media and victims of conflict to report on sensitive human rights issues; the Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca (CRIC) based in the department of Cauca to promote the creation of a media centre aimed at increasing media diversity and, in particular, the participation of indigenous minorities in public discourse; and FLIP, the Foundation for Press Freedom in Bogotá. The project was evaluated along the five OECD/DAC evaluation criteria (relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, impact and sustainability). For each criterion, the DW Akademie scoring system was applied. In addition, according to DW Akademie policy, three digital questions were included. Gender was assessed as a cross-cutting topic." (Background)
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"This report features 13 case studies that together highlight the range and impact of UNDP’s engagement with the media for the purpose of achieving development outcomes. These examples vary widely in scope and aim: from an election media monitoring initiative in Georgia to an initiative promoting
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local empowerment through community radio in remote areas of Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR); from engagement with media for peacebuilding in Lebanon to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) awareness campaigns implemented in partnership with the private sector in Brazil. By showcasing successful examples of UNDP’s latest media initiatives, this report is meant to serve several purposes. First, it seeks to demonstrate that, across development contexts, UNDP has increasingly identified media engagement as a priority for its policy and programmes. Indeed, the case studies show that there is growing recognition that engaging the media has become indispensable for making progress on inclusive governance, peace and development outcomes and ultimately for achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Second, the report seeks to outline UNDP’s comparative advantage and unique role in this area of work as well as to spark new approaches on media engagement and build new partnerships with media actors, the private sector, civil society and governments. This report therefore builds on broader UNDP efforts at promoting the media’s role in development, including an expert roundtable hosted by the Oslo Governance Centre in November 2017 on the role of media in promoting peace in conflict-prone settings." (Introduction)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"This publication presents EED’s work in the area of independent media, and reflects on lessons learned in six years of media and democracy support. It offers an analysis of the worrying trends and challenges faced by media today and calls for an urgent re-set in thinking about donor support to me
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dia in the EU neighbourhood. The document also seeks to offer recommendations for the wider donor community. Key recommendations include the need for a longer-term and more coordinated approach to media support as an essential component of democratisation, recognising the high cost of quality media and the difficulties media have of surviving in increasingly distorted markets and restrictive environments [...] Over the past six years, EED has ensured a particular focus on media-based projects, funding more than 230 initiatives. This represents around one third of all initiatives supported by EED. In line with EED’s added-value philosophy, support is usually focused on areas that cannot currently get funding from other donors, such as seed funding, bridge funding and emergency support, in addition to core funding and funding provided in a discrete way. It is important to note that EED support cannot replace the need for further support from other donors [...] EED’s media work can broadly be divided into the following five thematic areas: Ensuring media pluralism; Supporting innovation; Countering disinformation; Investigative journalism and documentation; Media targeting specific audiences." (Pages 3-4)
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"Three key cross-cutting priority areas for the civil society and media sectors emerge from this analysis: Civic Education: Without wide public understanding of and support for democracy, it is possible for public opinion to be manipulated, or frustrations exploited, and for public support for Armen
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ia’s nascent democracy to be diminished or reversed. Enabling Environment: In the context of the fragile political environment, it is critical that laws, regulations, and processes that provide protections to the civil society and media sectors, and that define relationships between government and sector actors, are developed and established. Advocacy: Support for sector advocacy initiatives and for follow up monitoring of implementation constitutes a priority focus for donor efforts." (Executive summary, page 2)
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"This Mozambique Media Strengthening Program (MSP) final report is an overview of IREX’s implementation of a wide range of assistance activities to strengthen the media and healthrelated communications sectors in Mozambique over a seven-year period. These activities have significantly contributed
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to a free, open, diverse Mozambican media sector providing high quality information to citizens that promotes debate, accountability and development. Within the context of media strengthening, MSP focused on five thematic subject areas with some minor additions and modifications: (a) health and nutrition (HN), (b) gender, (c) human trafficking, (d) environment (umbrella term for biodiversity/wildlife trafficking/conservation/climate change) and (e) accountability and transparency, as well as on investigative journalism as a cross-cutting theme. While all themes were addressed at different times and in different contexts, in 2017, HN became a predominant theme. This integrated approach involved subject-specific HN communications training. What distinguished MSP from a pure HN project was the continued focus on building expertise in reporting on substantive subject matters, as well as a media capacity building focus. By combining (a) the development of strong community-based communication and media skills in the program beneficiaries with (b) the knowledge and use of simple, but effective HN messages, the program greatly increased its effectiveness, as it enabled and empowered program beneficiaries to continue to develop their own communication solutions (e.g., how to design a particular radio program) based on the messages and knowledge beneficiaries gained. While the successes of this program abound, there is much still to accomplish in supporting the media and communications actors and enacting a reorientation towards a true selfreliance of the sector led by local organizations through local strategy, local decision making and harnessing local revenue streams." (Executive summary)
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"Today, a typical journalist in Africa is a professional workshop attendee. Non-governmental organisations from every sector “train” journalists in their subject matter, often with content conceived in Western capitals by people with no experience in journalism or in the target countries. Journa
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lists go from workshop to workshop, turning up long enough to collect their per diems and write a puff piece. This approach is as costly as it is regrettable. In one African country, a media-development organisation with which I have worked spent more than $1-million of taxpayer money to produce a one-hour program on governance, which was then aired on community radio, its content so sanitised to appease local officials that few people tuned in. But even more problematic was the distortion to the domestic media market. To produce the program, the NGO recruited ten top journalists from established outlets and paid them as much as ten times their normal salary. Once the project was over, most of the journalists quit their old jobs in search of better pay in the aid and government sectors. From my experience, most African journalists know how to report a well-sourced story. What they lack are the resources to put this knowledge to use. The deficiencies of African media are best addressed as a business challenge, not a training problem." (Author)
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"My goal in this chapter is to place media development efforts within a specific frame: namely the actions of great strategic communicators (states, religions, transnational corporations, for example) as they seek to increase support for their general positions in the world. Development efforts can
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be, and often are pursued for altruistic purposes, and they are often couched within an altruistic frame. The altruistic impulse and justification is significant and praiseworthy; but enduring development efforts in the long run are perceived to se rve national economic and political interests as well. Happily, values and interests are often in sync, but not always. No government, even that of the United States or Great Britain, can sustain investment efforts over decades without convincing arguments (and maybe proof) that the expenditures benefit the investor society as well as that of the target recipient. How does one parse this all out? If it is the case that societies act out of values and interests, can one describe a scaffolding of decision-making? Over the years, I have tried to build a frame for thinking about these ques tions through the concept of a market for loyalties, a process of analysis aimed at rendering competing interests more transparent as media systems are contemplated and funded, both within states and transnationally. In general, according to this framing, regardless of the rhetoric in which they are embedded, development efforts have preferred outcomes in terms of the structure of the target society in terms of how inclusive or democratic the society should be, and which entities gain and which lose or have the potential to gain or lose influence." (Pages 20-21)
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"The Balkans Media Assistance Program (BMAP) (2017 – 2021, $8 million) is a USAID funded initiative focused on making media more competitive in local and regional marketplaces and strengthening the sustainability of the independent media sector across the Balkans, particularly in the digital space
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." (Overview)
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"Media development specialists and activists need a concept of media development that understands and addresses the deeply political nature of the media as an institution. We also need a way to cope with rapidly changing technology and the media's increasingly global nature. Media development is as
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much about building strong political foundations for independent media as it is about high-quality journalism. It also requires integration and scaling up within broader democratic governance reforms. This type of media development depends on engaging with a wider group of actors at the count ry level, not just journalists, editors and other media agents, but also civil society, private sector, and government representatives. It requires activists to develop more sophisticated analysis and policy positions that consider the broader institutional and governance framework for the media. For the purposes of this essay, I will refer to this effort to engage with a wider group of change agents in society on media reforms as a demand-driven approach. Media reform efforts that fail to engage with local actors and build consensus and sustainable structures within their societies can actually impede media development and the critical freedoms and responsibilities on which it rests. While journalistic skills and business models for the news media are critically important, sustainable reforms in media systems require an environment that produces two outcomes: (1) political acceptance of open debate, vigorous fact-finding, and open dissent; and (2) quality journalism based on fairness, high ethical standards, and accuracy." (Page 31)
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"Le forum Médias et Développement propose aux médias partenaires de CFI en provenance d’Afrique, d’Asie, d’Europe et du monde arabe de débattre, de s’interroger et de croiser leurs regards sur l’ensemble de ces questions. Tous se retrouveront à Paris pour ce moment unique d’échange
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, les 11 et 12 décembre 2019, afin de partager leurs pratiques, leurs solutions, leurs difficultés et leurs innovations." (Page 2)
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"GFMD members welcome the international recognition of media and journalism issues within the overall international development agenda, noting the common language it provides and the accountability tool it may offer towards encouraging governments (including donor countries) to live up to their comm
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itments. Some members caution, however, that there are risks in viewing 16.10, and the SDGs in general, both too broadly and too narrowly. This includes, for example, the wider parameters of access to information – which applies not only to journalists, but to civil society organisations, citizens, and others – as well as a danger that access to information might overshadow attention to violence agai nst journalists. Others suggest that 16.10 should be seen in the overall context of Goal 16 – that is: peace, justice, and public institutions – to ensure that media-related assistance continues to look at the fuller enabling environment of laws, policies, and actors that ensure plurality, safety, and viability. Furthermore, some GFMD members caution against getting stuck in the “silo” of 16.10. These members remind of the need to demonstrate that media and information are not just rights in and unto themselves, but they can also be enabling rights for others – such as gender equality and the environment – and thus important and relevant for the whole SDG agenda. This does not suggest instrumentalising media for the sake of contributing to other SDGs, but rather strengthening the role of media in serving as a watchdog, holding governments accountable, informing the public, providing a voice for the voiceless, and offering a platform for debate.10 The leading concern about an SDG approach, however, is that it is ill-suited for authoritarian governments that not only reject the international development agenda, but also international standards on human rights." (Conclusions)
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"This chapter is drawn primarily from Jane Madlyn McElhone's thirteen years of in-field experience in Myanmar and other nations in transition, as well as key informant interviews she conducted in 2017 and 2018 [...] Our discussion is driven by a series of interlinked questions. Who were the key medi
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a development actors during the time of the military junta, what kind of support did they offer, and who benefited from it? What were the assumptions driving the aid? With hindsight, what are the lessons learned that can be applied to Myanmar's contemporary media development sector, and to regional and international media development efforts? What is the legacy of the many years of pre-transition aid? What have we learned from the response to the Rakhine crisis?" (Pages 96-97)
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"This collection is the first of its kind on the topic of media development. It brings together luminary thinkers in the field—both researchers and practitioners—to reflect on how advocacy groups, researchers, the international community and others can work to ensure that media can continue to s
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erve as a force of democracy and development. But that mission faces considerable challenges. Media development paradigms are still too frequently associated with Western prejudices, or out of touch with the digital age. As we move past Western blueprints and into an uncertain digital future, what does media development mean? If we are to act meaningfully to shape the future of our increasingly mediated societies, we must answer this question." (Publisher description)
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"A five-year, media capacity-building programme in Sudan gives some valuable pointers about how to keep a media-development programme alive—and the positive results that can be achieved through perseverance and a collaborative effort by stakeholders. The results included the introduction of a new
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reporting style that highlighted issues of public interest, not previously understood, and journalists who were given the confidence to minimise self-censorship." (Abstract)
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"This books draws a comparative balance of twenty years' international media assistance in the five countries of the Western Balkans. The central question was what happens to imported models when they are transposed onto the newly evolving media systems of transitional societies. Albania, Bosnia-Her
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zegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia undertook a range of media reforms to conform with accession requirements of the European Union and the standards of the Council of Europe, among others. The essays explore the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance. The cross-national analysis concludes that the effects of international assistance are highly constrained by the local context. From today's vantage point it becomes obvious, that scaling media assistance does not necessarily improve outcomes. The experiences in the region suggest that imported solutions have not been very cognitive in all aspects of local conditions but international strategies tend to be rather schematic and lacked strategic approaches to promote media policy stability, credible media reform and implementation. The book offers valuable insights into the nature and effects of media assistance and the strategies deployed by international aid agencies, local political forces, media professionals, civil society organizations and other actors." (Publisher description)
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"This mapping of the Myanmar media development sector is informed by three activities: a status update of the recommendations in the 2016 Assessment of Media Development in Myanmar report based on UNESCO’s Media Development Indicators, an online survey conducted in March and April 2018, and a seri
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es of key informant interviews and focus group discussions. The two Top 10 lists of priority areas – the first for the Union Government and the second for media donors and implementers – are informed by the research findings." (Executive summary)
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"Este artículo analiza el papel que tienen los Programas de Asistencia y Cooperación Internacional en el desarrollo y formación del marco conceptual del periodismo actual y sus prácticas en el Sur Global. En particular, este analiza cómo los esfuerzos internacionales de asistencia para el desar
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rollo han sido cruciales en el fomento de determinados modelos de periodismo, al tiempo que argumenta que estas acciones explican la actual convergencia internacional en torno a los valores fundamentales de las prácticas periodísticas, sus aspiraciones profesionales normativas y las culturas noticiosas. Al plantear esta disyuntiva, se sugiere que el periodismo no debe interpretarse necesariamente como un “acontecimiento” histórico, sino que debe considerarse como parte de un largo proceso dirigido a la construcción de un ideario de nación. De este modo, se invita al lector a examinar determinados valores noticiosos –tales como la objetividad y el equilibrio en la noticia- como parte de las estrategias históricas nacionales dirigidas a establecer y mantener el estatus hegemónico de Occidente en un mundo cada vez más globalizado. El artículo señala que los esfuerzos de ayuda internacional para fomentar el desarrollo de los medios de comunicación son claves a la hora de explicar la difusión de modelos específicos de educación y práctica periodística." (Resumo)
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"This piece explores the role of Foreign Aid in developing the current framework in which journalism operates in the Global South. It looks at how international development efforts have been crucial in fostering particular models of journalism while arguing that this explains the current internation
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al convergence around journalistic values, normative claims and news cultures. In so doing, the piece suggests that raise of professional journalism should not be interpreted necessarily as a historical ‘occurrence’ but rather be also considered as part of a larger enterprise to construct a sense of nationhood. In opening these questions, it invites the reader to understand news values such as objectivity, balance and fairness within national historical efforts seeking hegemonic status in an increasingly globalised world. It suggests that international aid efforts to foster media development are key in explaining the spread of particular models of journalism education and practice." (Abstract)
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