"This article analyzes the framing of Norwegian media coverage of the war against terror in Afghanistan with special emphasis on the coverage of the Norwegian military presence in Afghanistan. Norwegian forces became involved in a military intervention for the first time since the Second World War w
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hen ex-Yugoslavia was attacked in April 1999. At that time, Norway provided military support for the invasion and placed fighter planes and Norwegian pilots at the disposal of NATO. The war in Afghanistan represented an additional dimension, with Norwegian ground forces taking part in the hunt for al-Qaida fighters in the mountains of Afghanistan. The purpose of this article is to give a picture of Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghanistan, with a special emphasis on the coverage of Norway's role in the conflict. As a small country with traditionally close relations to US, Norway had to balance, like many other small countries, between the need to uphold its traditional policy of complying with international law, and the desire to avoid provoking the USA with criticism and actions that could be regarded as disloyal and thus harm the bilateral relationship. This dilemma must also be seen as a problem for the mainstream media, which traditionally has been loyal to Norwegian security policy. Two main issues are discussed: 1. How was the start of the war covered in the media in October 2001? 2. In what context was the Norwegian military presence covered? The two newspapers analyzed are Aftenposten and VG. The choice of these two newspapers was made to include Norway's largest and potentially most influential morning paper (Aftenposten) and its largest tabloid, as well as largest newspaper (VG). Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the coverage. Both Aftenposten's and VG's coverage on the first day of the war in Afghanistan are dominated by pro-US framing and the use of Western sources. The pro-US framing is more obvious in Aftenposten than in VG. The editorial in VG was more unconditionally supportive than the editorial in Aftenposten. VG is also much clearer in its framing of Norway as a potential victim of future acts of terror. Norway's role as a potential military actor in the region is at this stage virtually absent in both newspapers. The legal aspects are mentioned in the two newspapers, though in a very superficial manner. Neither of the newspapers focuses on potential "hidden agendas" in their news coverage. No issue is made of the USA's potential global interests or the issue of controlling oil flows from the region. Aftenposten, in its coverage of an attack on a wedding party, treats this incident as "collateral damage" and in no way links it to Norway's military presence. Norway is simply a "loyal ally" receiving praise from the US for doing a "good job"." (Abstract)
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"News represents 23% of the total schedule on the six radio stations monitored [...] The situation of conflict had a direct influence on the subjects treated in news and information content with a focus 1) on the conflict (more than one third of news and information content) but not on grassroots co
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nflict mitigation activities (2.6%) and 2) on politics (one third of news and information content). Security issues are the main subject related to the need of the population while social subjects (food security, health and education) do not seem to be a priority at the moment [...] Analysts registered in the database 74 elements of hate speech in the print press and only four in media content broadcast by radio stations." (Page 5)
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"Das Buch konzentriert sich auf den Aspekt des möglichen Einsatzes von Blogs zur Schaffung einer Gegenöffentlichkeit. Dazu werden englischsprachige, ägyptische Blogs untersucht, die während der Revolte gegen das Mubarak-Regime erstellt wurden. Zentral ist dabei die Frage, ob und wie ägyptische
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Blogger versuchen, mithilfe ihrer Blogs Nachrichten und Positionen zu vermitteln, die in der staatlich autorisierten Medienberichterstattung während des Mubarak-Regimes unterdrückt wurden. Dazu werden ausgewählte Blog-Einträge mittels einer Dokumentenanalyse daraufhin untersucht, ob mit ihnen erkennbar eine Gegenöffentlichkeit konstituiert werden soll und wie dies gegebenenfalls geschieht." (Klappentext)
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"Bad News for Refugees analyses the political, economic and environmental contexts of migration and looks specifically at how refugees and asylum seekers have been stigmatised in political rhetoric and in media coverage. Through forensic research it shows how hysterical and inaccurate media accounts
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act to legitimise political action which can have terrible consequences both on the lives of refugees and also on established migrant communities." (Back cover)
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"The purpose of this research is to empirically examine Indonesian media content, their workings and the factors influencing their work [...] There is no open diversity in content. Content analysis of television shows that the coverage of majority and minority groups is unequal. We find that content
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is heavily Jakarta-centric in terms of geographical context, Islam-centric in terms of religious orientations and Java-centric in terms of ethnic identities. Content with geographical identities is ruled 34.1% by Jakarta (69.6% by Java), content with religious qualities is dominated 96.7% by Islamic identities and content with any ethnic reference is led by Javanese identities by 42.8%. This does not only imply that there is a lack of open diversity, but more dangerously that there may be evidence of hyper-impositions of content favouring the majority over the minority. Our research concludes that the profit-led media industry has left citizens on the edge of the media sector. Homogenous content is a simple proof that the media regard citizens merely as consumers rather than a group of people with rights." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"This study demonstrates that critical discourse analysis can be used to quickly discern the identity of a political actor and make accurate predictions about that actor’s intentions and goals, even in the context of a revolution. This study’s authors used critical discourse analysis to empirica
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lly assess the identity of the Libyan Youth Movement using 45 images posted on the group’s Facebook page during the opening weeks of the Libyan revolution of 2011. The authors uncovered multiple discourses which permitted the positing of a group identity as well as predictions of the group’s goal and intentions. The findings are significant in that they provide new evidence to support the practical utility of discourse analytic approaches in contemporary communications and political science research." (Abstract)
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"This dissertation examines media coverage of the 2011-2012 famine in Somalia by the websites of BBC News, CNN and Al Jazeera. Using both quantitative and qualitative content analyses, it asks why coverage of the famine began as late as it did, despite ample evidence of the coming famine. It further
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surveys the famine--related news reports for evidence of four paradigms through which the causes of famine can be understood; as a Malthusian competition between population and land, as a failure of food entitlements as conceived of by Sen (1981a), as critical political event (Edkins, 2004), or as an issue of criminality (Alex de Waal, 2008). Findings include a dramatic silencing of victim’s accounts of famine, despite a reliance on their photographic images, as well as an overwhelming preference for Malthusian accounts of the famine. Late media coverage is explored via a new-values paradigm which links the sudden outburst of media coverage for the famine to a formal UN declaration, and suggests that this may have created a new elite-relevance to the event which did not exist before, and therefore making it of relevance to domestic publics." (Abstract)
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"Pastoralists use their mobility to take advantage of resources – pasture and water – that are patchily distributed in space and time. Pastoralism can make major contributions to food security, livelihoods and economic prosperity. However, these benefits often go unacknowledged – by policy mak
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ers, donors and the public at large. This is in part because of development and media narratives that paint pastoralism as something bad that needs to change. This paper explores how the media portrays pastoralism. To do so, we analysed the content of newspaper articles about pastoralists in Kenya, China and India, and also invited journalists in these countries to complete an online survey and telephone interview. We identified significant gaps – and inter-country differences – in the media’s portrayal of pastoralists." (Executive summary)
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"Die Ermittlung der beruflichen Einstellungen geschah mittels einer vollstandardisierten Befragung, an der 195 Journalisten in Afghanistan teilnahmen. Eine Inhaltsanalyse in den drei wichtigsten afghanischen Zeitungen erbrachte eine Zusammenstellung der Leistungen von Journalisten. Der wichtigste Be
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fund lautet, dass die befragten Journalisten ein berufliches Rollenselbstverständnis im Sinne des Informationsjournalismus haben [...] Als zweitwichtigstes Kommunikationsziel gaben die Befragten den missionarischen Journalismus an. Dies ist der Tatsache geschuldet, dass in Afghanistan Religion (Islam) und Tradition die wichtigsten gesellschaftlichen „Identitäts- und Handlungsfaktoren“ bilden." (Abstract)
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"The results of this content analysis comparing TMF grantees with non-TMF control group show a remarkable performance of TMF. In many areas the TMF group performs significantly better than the control group which can be attributed to TMF's work. Significant good performance of TMF was found in the f
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ollowing categories: Diversity of sources; Diversity of perspectives; Background reporting (root causes); Focus on rural areas; Number of viewpoints. However, in some categories the performance was not too much different from the control group or even less good. This was found in the following categories: Transparency of sources; Putting figures and numbers into context; Coherence; Investigative elements; Balance in viewpoints." (Conclusions, page 23)
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"Since the early 1990s, Malaysian society has displayed a deepening concern over steady increases in reported cases of child abuse in the country. For many Malaysians, knowledge of this issue comes from the mainstream media. This research analyses media coverage of child abuse in two mainstream Engl
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ish-language daily newspapers throughout 2010. The analysis focuses on how this issue is presented and framed in the media. Through the use of simple episodic framing and a distorted focus on extreme cases of child abuse, media coverage internationally obscures the reality of child abuse as it occurs within the context of contemporary social, cultural, religious or political systems. This hinders any genuine understanding of the problem, leading to flawed solutions. We find these international patterns largely replicated in Malaysia. Furthermore, gendered socialization processes in Malaysia make women and mothers principally responsible for family life and there is a tendency to blame and punish mothers for child abuse even when they are not the perpetrators. Internationally, child welfare experts and academics have advised the media to focus reporting on the underlying causes of abuse so that the issue can be better understood and addressed and this advice is pertinent for Malaysia today." (Abstract)
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"In summary, the findings show that more than half of the analysed newspapers do in fact seek to expose potential wrong doings of government and business and as such are important actors in promoting local accountability. Yet, the findings also show that a lot of the reporting is not as extensive, a
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ccurate and thorough as it could be. Some of the reasons for this are given below alongside recommendations as to how independent publishers could in future be supported to fulfil their mandate better." (Introduction)
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"Blogs have become a communicative alternative for Cuban civil society in recent years. Cuban communities, inside and outside the island, are characterized by substantial ideological differences and economic gaps that highlight the challenges for consensus building and collective action in the count
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ry’s politics. Information and communication technologies (ICTs), however, are gradually facilitating the creation of spaces outside the control of the state for the exchange of ideas about the present and future of the nation. Through content analysis and qualitative interpretation, we undertake a case study of the most renowned Cuban blog, ‘Generación Y’, to evaluate users’ participation, the content they generate for the site, and the nature of debates taking place within it. Our findings show that while this blog opens an unprecedented opportunity for Cubans to engage in relatively unrestricted political dialogue, its users tend to favour expressive participation and antagonistic exchanges over the rational deliberations associated with traditional conceptualizations of the notion of the public sphere." (Abstract)
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"Considering the lessons learned from US engagement in Iraq and especially Afghanistan, military engagement can only be sustained with the support of local populations. The concept of “winning hearts and minds” has emerged as an essential component of the counterinsurgency-counterterrorism doctr
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ine. Therefore, it is essential to monitor public reaction to any foreign intervention on a constant basis to measure the effectiveness of a given military campaign. ConStrat monitored social media content—in Arabic, French and English—related to the French intervention in Mali and the unfolding of the terrorist attack in southwestern Algeria. The three media environments were diverse both qualitatively and quantitatively." (Introduction)
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"How does media contribute to peacebuilding and reconciliation in a post-conflict environment? This question will be answered in respect to the media produced by the UN and NATO mission in Kosovo (UNMIK and KFOR) from the year 1999 until 2008. The theoretical part of the text will deal with existing
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approaches to peace journalism, effective organizational communication and media effects theories. In the empirical part, the evaluation will first focus on the content of the media produced by UNMIK and KFOR in Kosovo, followed by the assessment of media production processes in both missions. Last, the dissertation will explore the impact of UNMIK's and KFOR's media within the local Kosovar population." (Back cover)
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