"La violencia contra los periodistas no es un hecho aislado. Esta es una práctica presente en países de todo el mundo y que se caracteriza por la impunidad que rodea a las muertes de comunicadores de diversos medios de comunicación. Esta situación no solo deja impune el crimen, también impide y
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trunca la relación de la información con la comunidad. Cuando estos actos se llevan a cabo, se vulnera la persistencia de la libertad de expresión, el funcionamiento y el propósito de los medios de comunicación, la confianza en la investigación periodística y las fronteras del miedo. Consciente de la gravedad de la situación, Marisol Cano investiga en este libro diez organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión [Article 19, CPI, Fedración Internacional de Periodistas FIP, Freedom House, International Media Support, International News Safety Institute INSI, Reporteros sin fronteras, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, UNESCO, WAN-IFRA] mediante una metodología cualitativa que hace uso de técnicas de investigación como el análisis documental, el análisis de contenido y la entrevista estructurada. De esta forma, logra construir un marco global analítico de la lucha frente a la violencia contra los periodistas en la primera década del siglo XXI que le permite conocer el discurso sobre la libertad de expresión, sus formas de evaluación, las decisiones de las organizaciones para intervenir en determinados contextos, los procesos de protección de los periodistas y el perfil de las organizaciones encargadas de su bienestar. En un mundo tan conectado, el periodismo ya no es un asunto que pueda limitarse a las fronteras nacionales o a contextos locales, su accionar atañe a la comunidad internacional y las repercusiones que se derivan de su silenciamiento es un asunto que demanda el compromiso y la responsabilidad de toda la humanidad." (Resumen)
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"While we might blame news audiences for their short-lived engagement with foreign crises, their reactions are far less surprising when we look carefully at what news stories truly communicate to readers. As illustrated above, the subtle lessons the news media teach audiences about foreign crises wo
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rk together to suggest that there are few, if any, solutions to foreign suffering and the solutions that have been implemented do not work very well. By way of comparison, the media suggest that national crises, such as Hurricane Katrina, can and will be effectively addressed by responsible governments and engaged publics. Given these patterns in news discourse, it is no surprise that Americans engage superficially with the topic of distant suffering.… Journalists could begin to change the way foreign crises are covered and present better coverage of solutions by actually asking victims on the ground what they think rather than relying on political leaders and charitable groups for facts and quotes. For instance, despite many stories on al-Shabaab, none included any comments by Somalis themselves on what could be done to stop the group, and only a very small number of victim comments explicitly addressed causes or solutions. While several pieces stated that the famine was caused by drought, no Somalis were ever quoted regarding what government policies or international interventions might have lessened the severity of future droughts." (Conclusion)
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"Most of Iran’s urban population experienced the war with Iraq (1980–1988) through the burden of privation and the fear of possible airstrikes. Thus, state-produced media on national television became the main apparatus through which they connected their daily lives to the national conflict. Rav
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ayat-e Fath [The Narrative of Triumph] was one docudrama, comprised of five seasons that the state produced at different intervals between 1984 and 1987. Although Ravayat-e Fath has been presented and received as a journalistic work, it enters the realm of fiction to fulfill its objective: To recruit soldiers. Through a collage of mythical stories, epic narratives, dramatic cinematography, mourning songs accompanied by reports from war fronts, and live interviews with soldiers, the series tells a story of a promised triumph through martyrdom. Through studying Ravayat-e Fath, the most important state-supported television production of the Iran-Iraq war era, this article investigates the ways in which war propaganda in general, and the concept of martyrdom in particular, generated tools like shaming to control the population during and after the war." (Abstract)
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"The visual presentation of the Serb accused in TV news was based on iconic images of the accused combined with symbolic images of the state and its power, with nearly complete absence of visuals of atrocities and victims. In contrast, the visual presentation of the Croatian, Bosniak and Albanian de
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fendants draws meaning mainly from sequences of images displaying victims, war destruction or attacks as “palpable” proof of crimes. This supports a sentiment of collective victimhood of the Serb population and creates the impression of the indicted persons’ guilt even after their acquittals by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Since the research project has been limited to three Serb TV channels, comparative work on TV media in other states of former Yugoslavia would be required in order to assess how ’special’ the case of Serbia is regarding these visual strategies. The much disputed legitimacy of the ICTY and the important role of media have also become obvious in focus groups interviews with students in Serbia: The students displayed a striking lack of knowledge about war crimes; nonetheless, they strongly rejected the ICTY as a biased institution. At the same time, they were perceptive of new facts and interpretations, showing that they have a genuine need to understand the past and obtain objective information. A major problem is that in their perception there are few, if any, objective, neutral institutions which to put trust in. The expert interviews, conducted in Belgrade and The Hague, underlined the critical state of mainstream TV media in Serbia: They were assessed as not really independent, driven by entertainment formats, suspect to governmental pressure and failing in their watchdog functions. The interviewees also expressed a widespread disappointment about the state of affairs of transitional justice in Serbia." (Summary)
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"This article examines representation of the conflict in Darfur by the media in Kenya, South Africa, Egypt and Rwanda. It analyses 850 newspaper articles published from 2003 to 2008 and journalist interviews from Kenya and South Africa. Using Mbembe’s articulation of ‘meaningful acts’ and Bour
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dieu’s field theory, the article highlights how the intersection of geopolitics, symbolic affirmation of unity and ‘Africanness’ and a ritualistic use of official sources led African media fields to mimic the global north in how they have framed the Darfur conflict. The most striking finding from the analysis of how these four countries reported the violence in Darfur is the salience of the ethnic conflict frame. However, the ethnic conflict frame was used in African media differently than in Western media, which often assumed a path-determined relationship between conflict and tribal identities. In contrast, African journalists used the ethnic frame to domesticate the news and as a part of specific political project to demarcate which actors should be understood as Other and with which actors audiences share an affinity." (Abstract)
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"¿Quiénes nos representan en los medios? ¿Cómo lo hacen? ¿Qué efectos pueden producir esas representaciones? Estas y otras preguntas se responden a través de esta brillante invetigación, focalizada particularmente en la representación de "lo cholo" y "lo mestizo", en la cobertura de la fies
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ta popular del "Gran Poder", en la prensa escrita boliviana a lo largo de casi 100 años." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This study based on a content analysis and a nationwide survey examines Taiwan’s suicide coverage and general public evaluations of the World Health Organization media guidelines, alongside the copycat effect. Key findings show the daily newspaper Apple Daily essentially failed to follow the guid
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ance, and survey respondents who perceived a strong copycat effect downplayed its sensationalism. The study discusses the implications of the findings for policymaking, public health advocacy, and journalistic practices in how to promote compliance with the WHO guidance." (Abstract)
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"Very few international news organisations routinely cover humanitarian affairs. Only 12 news outlets reported on all four of the humanitarian events we analysed in 2016. Because of the high costs of producing regular, original journalism on humanitarian issues, commercial news organisations do not
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usually cover humanitarian issues, with the exception of major ‘emergencies’. Most humanitarian journalism is now funded by states or private foundations. This is worrying because claiming that particular actors or activities are ‘humanitarian’ is a powerful form of legitimacy. It is important that media about the suffering does not become a vehicle for commercial or political interests. A major challenge of foundation funding is its unsustainable nature, as most foundations want to provide start-up money, rather than giving ongoing support. Meanwhile government funding can constrain where and how humanitarian reporting takes place because of foreign policy objectives and diplomatic tensions." (Executive summary)
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"The Russian state media failed to provide sufficient information about political alternatives to incumbent Vladimir Putin ahead of the 18 March presidential election. Coverage on nationwide private channels was similarly limited. For the 2018 presidential election, a strong and independent media pr
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oviding unbiased coverage of the political situation in the country, thereby enabling the electorate to make an informed choice, were significantly lacking. Alexey Navalny, who was barred from running as a candidate, called for a boycott of the election. His political position was largely ignored by most of the monitored broadcast media, with the exception of TV Dozhd and Radio Ekho Moskvy. The nature of the election process, whereby the incumbent refrained in most respects from conventional campaign discourse, including non-participation in public debates, and the only real opponent was barred from running as a candidate, did not provide basic conditions necessary for a normal democratic election. First Channel, Russia 1, NTV and Ren TV, offered viewers an extremely limited range of political viewpoints. They presented only the official Kremlin position, and failed to offer any independent or alternative views, or any critical reporting challenging the performance of the authorities." (Executive summary)
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"This report focuses on the interactional dynamics between anti-Muslim extremists and radical Islamists in Germany and beyond. It reveals ideological underpinnings, approaches to mobilization and communication patterns, which all prove to be analogous on both sides, and it places emphasis on the rec
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iprocity of hate that may serve to intensify processes of individual and group radicalization. Our study presents the first systematic analysis of the interplay between both forms of extremism that plays out on different places on the Internet. It provides direct evidence showing that Islamist and far-right movements converge at different levels and mutually amplify one another. The analysis focuses on measuring the online interaction between extremist content, individuals and events. Overall, over 10,000 Islamist and far-right Facebook posts and over one million German anti-Muslim tweets between 1 January 2013 and 30 November 2017 were analyzed for this study. Additionally, we conducted three months of ethnographic research into encrypted pro-IS and pro-Al-Qaeda groups on Telegram as well as into far-right chat groups.
Key Findings
Radical Islamism and anti-Muslim racism, which manifest themselves in the form of far-right extremism and right-wing populism exhibit a symbiotic relationship. In the context of glocal interaction patterns, the far right operates as a national sphere of resonance for international jihadism. Both negate and dismantle basic democratic values such as the inviolability of human dignity and religious freedom. What’s more, racism against Muslims paves the way for radicalization through Islamic fundamentalists. We identified three key patterns that reveal common worldviews and argumentative resemblance: First, the demonization of enemies based on a clear distinction between friend and foe. Second, the victimization of one’s own group as both sides take advantage of the alleged discrimination of their own group and the constructed dominance of the other. Third, conspiracy, which is the basic explanation provided for why the respective milieus do not share their exclusionary claim to truth. The alleged systematic blindness caused by the Jews or fake news are needed to balance the dissonance between claims and reality as well as to contribute to demonizing other groups." (Executive summary)
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"[...] untersucht, wie konfliktsensitiv die deutsche Qualitätspresse über Kriege berichtet. Die empirische Antwort auf diese Frage ist für die mediale Glaubwürdigkeit elementar - und sie fällt ernüchternd aus. In zentralen Qualitätsdimensionen ist die Kriegsberichterstattung defizitär, was v
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or allem bedeutet: tendenziös. Exemplarisch deutlich wird dies an der journalistischen Wortwahl, einem bislang vernachlässigten Qualitätsindikator, für den ein spezifischer Analyseansatz entwickelt wurde. Die Ergebnisse der Inhaltsanalyse verstehen sich als Argumente einer konstruktiven Medienkritik und bieten darüber hinaus konkrete Ansatzpunkte für Qualitätsverbesserungen und Prüfroutinen in der redaktionellen Praxis." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The study concluded that the media in Zimbabwe falls short of standards of fair and balanced coverage of political actors in the country. ZANU PF and MDC T dominated the media’s coverage and combined for 94% of the space and time dedicated to political parties whilst the remaining 15 parties acco
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unted for 6% of the coverage. This is a reflection of the lack of diversity in the representation of political actors, given that over 100 political parties are contesting the upcoming elections." (Executive summary)
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"The imprisonment of Al Jazeera English (AJE) journalists (Peter Greste, Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed) in Egypt between 2013 and 2015 highlighted the safety of journalists in conflict zones. Building on other studies (Baker, 2014; 2016), this is the third paper in a longitudinal study analysing t
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he reportage of the AJE case by its own network, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). Examining a total of 59 articles from the broadcasters from October 1, 2015 (a week after the AJE journalists' final release from jail), to September 30, 2018 (three years after Fahmy and Mohamed's release), this paper investigates whether safety was discussed in post-case reportage. Similar to previous studies' conceptual framework of normative media theories of the press (Siebert, Peterson and Schramm, 1956; Curran, 2002) and peace and developmental journalism (Carpentier, cited in Cammaerts and Carpentier, 2007), it highlights that the broadcasters' post reportage about the AJE case did not analyse issues related to the United Nations Economic, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) safety of journalists' agenda to address issues related to impunity (Poyhtari and Berger). This article argues that raising awareness about safety issues in reportage, and in journalism training in the industry and the academy, is one step towards addressing impunity against journalists in conflict zones." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the institutional campaigns against human trafficking and sexual exploitation in Spain between 2008 and 2017 and their role in helping to shape this issue as a matter of public concern. Our aim is to identify the ideological basis of these campaigns through their representations
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of predominant actors, which have been systematized to identify possible mistakes and to help determine more effective actions with a greater capacity for mobilization. We applied a mixed content analysis combined with a semiotic model to evaluate the presence or absence of the different actors and their relevance in each case. Several lines of discourse have been reiterated accross the 50 campaigns analysed: Curbing the demand for prostitution as a priority objective; the centrality of victims in the representations; the role of the consumer of paid sex as an accomplice to the crime; and the correlation between prostitution and human trafficking. We will also examine how these issues relate to the broader dispute on the status of prostitution in Spain. This will require a conceptual shift away from educational and social-oriented communication towards the structural causes, collective responsibility and transformative justice frameworks." (Abstract)
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"Les médias reflètent-ils les sociétés telles qu’elles sont aujourd’hui ou bien ne reflètent-ils que les tendances majoritaires ? Comment mettre en lumière les différences et les particularismes sans encourager le communautarisme et contribuer aux divisions ? Le rôle des médias est-il d
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e rapporter les faits ou de contribuer activement à une certaine vision de la société ? Les critères professionnels du journalisme sont-ils suffisants pour éviter les discours de haine et les messages exacerbant les tensions communautaires ? Lancé par CFI et le centre SKeyes pour la liberté de la presse et de la culture (de la Fondation Samir Kassir), le projet Naseej – qui signifie « tissage » en arabe – s’appuie sur les médias pour restaurer et maintenir un débat équilibré autour de ces questions. En examinant ce que les médias libanais, syriens et irakiens publient et diffusent, le langage utilisé, les concepts promus, les groupes qui y sont représentés et ceux qui ne le sont pas, Naseej tente de promouvoir une vision inclusive du journalisme. L’objet n’est pas de demander aux journalistes de restaurer la paix ou d’éviter les conflits, mais de contribuer à l’émergence de conditions plus propices au dialogue à travers une meilleure qualité d’information vérifiée et professionnelle, évitant les généralisations et les stéréotypes. Il n’est pas de demander aux médias d’accorder un traitement privilégié aux minorités face à la majorité, mais de mettre en lumière les difficultés auxquelles font face les citoyens, tous les citoyens, quelles que soient leurs appartenances. Ce livret présente la synthèse d’une étude, réalisée en octobre 2017, sur la couverture médiatique de la diversité dans les médias irakiens, libanais et syriens, réalisée par la Fondation Adyan et la Fondation Samir Kassir." (Introduction)
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"During the 2018 electoral period in Zimbabwe, Media Monitors monitored mainstream media to assess the nature of election coverage with a focus on three issues: Fair and balanced coverage of political players, the media’s role in informing the public on electoral processes, and professional and et
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hical conduct by the media. In the final assessment, Media Monitors concluded that while the election agenda dominated on all media platforms, continued polarised coverage affected the media’s capacity to be fair and balanced, there was a lack of equitability and gender bias. Professionally, there was lack of objectivity in the journalists’ reporting, which manifested itself in the form of unbalanced coverage, denial of the right of reply, lack of follow up to issues raised and failure to distinguish between government activities and political campaigns." (https://www.mediasupport.org)
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"This study combines two research methods to explore how female leaders are portrayed in the news in Vietnam, and Vietnamese journalists’ perception of female and male leaders. Content analysis indicated that female leaders are under- and misrepresented. Female leader sources seldom appear in the
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news. When they do, they are more likely to be interviewed on traditionally feminine issues. Survey findings demonstrated that gender stereotypes are pervasive among journalists, influencing their perception of news sources. Journalists believe male sources possess stronger work-oriented and agentic traits while female sources are more socially oriented and communal. Results confirmed role congruity theory’s applicability in studying media in a non-Western country." (Abstract)
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"Despite having a robust child protection framework and a burgeoning media, child rights abuse still occurs in Uganda. This takes the form of child neglect, defilement, torture, trafficking. The researchers set out to investigate media coverage of child rights issues in Uganda. A triangulation of me
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thods was used, and as will be shown later, reporting on child rights abuses is not systematic due to fragmentation of actors. The researchers found out that 185 child abuse stories were published in The New Vision in 2015. Most of the published stories were from the country’s capital – Kampala. The other obstacles to effective child rights reporting identified are as follows: concentration of reporters in urban areas, lack of special training in child rights reporting and commercial interests of media houses. The researchers recommend recruiting and training journalists to specifically report on issues of child rights and empowering upcountry reporters where many cases are committed." (Abstract)
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"1. Political parties and their supporters should concentrate more on issues-based campaign messages than hate campaign messages capable of demeaning personalities, religious/ethnic beliefs as well as ethnicity. 2. Political parties and their candidates should focus more on issue of importance to na
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tional development than mere image projection. 3. The Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), political parties, civil society groups and other stakeholders should promote media and information literacy to enable better deployment of user generated contents that foster democracy and the democratization process. 4. Political parties and candidates should optimise the numerous opportunities (of cost-effectiveness, reach, immediacy, citizens’ engagement, etc.) offered by the rising popularity of new media. 5. Continuous voter education is crucial for the citizens to be more critical in the electoral choices [...]" (Conclusions and recommendations, page 6-7)
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