"The government in Syria came to differentiate between political dissent and the civil society activism in which the new generation plays a vital role thanks to the use of social media. Unable to control the burst of online activity, Damascus was forced to focus on monitoring key dissenters and huma
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n rights activists rather than wasting time and resources on monitoring thousands of youth and civil society activists who are turning to web 2.0 technologies such as Facebook and Twitter to promote change and development. Online social media, which virtually anyone can use from home, played a central role in the Syrian uprising and helped break the decades-old government media monopoly. But it helped the Syrian government crack down on activists." (Page 1)
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"This is the first scholarly analysis of how young women used social media and cyberactivism to help shape the “Arab Spring” and its aftermath. It argues that women's engagement with social media has coincided with a shift in the political landscape of the Middle East, and it is unlikely that th
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ey will ever retreat from the new arenas they have carved out for themselves because they have reconfigured the public sphere in their countries, as well as the expectations of the public about the role women can and should play in the political lives of their countries."
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"While views may differ on the factors that made the 2011 Egyptian revolution possible, the role of mass media will remain undisputable. The Internet-based social networks caught the Mubarak regime by surprise, and the popular disillusionment with the‘national’ media led the public to turn to pr
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ivate newspapers and satellite channels for keeping pace with the events. This paper examines the role of specific media during the 18 days of the 2011 Egyptian revolution – from 25 January to 11 February, 2011 – which we have divided into four parts. It discusses how these media contributed to the unfolding of events, conceptualized the protests and the demands of the public, and presented the actors that participated in or opposed the revolution. These points are addressed by discussing the content of the Facebook pages of the Sixth of April Movement and We Are All Khalid Said, as well as that of a private Egyptian newspaper, al-Shuruq, and the state-run newspaper al-Ahram." (Abstract)
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"This paper aims at investigating the relationship between traditional and social media during the first six months of the Syrian uprising. Thanks to direct testimony made available to the author by various cyber activists inside and outside Syria and through constant monitoring of the official prop
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aganda and the coverage of the Syrian events by the two main pan-Arab satellite TVs, this article intends to investigate how both the regime and the activists attempt to represent the “real events on the ground”. In a country where the foreign and pan-Arab press have been mostly expelled since the beginning of the protests and the consequent repression, these two opposite poles heavily fight on the media level. On the one hand, the propaganda dominates traditional media and has sought to show familiarity with new methods, while maintaining the same content and rhetorical tone. On the other hand, the activists, masters of the new media, attempted to overcome the limitations of their tools, aiming at more traditional forms of communication. In both cases, the Internet has emerged as the main weapon of this media confrontation." (Abstract)
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"Only 40 percent of Nigerians had access to a television in 2008 according to the International Telecommunication Union, and radio is still the dominant medium, reaching three-quarters of households. Both commercial and state broadcasters favor urban audiences and those in the south of the country.
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While there is potential for increased diversity through the spread of internet services, progress is hampered by variables that continue to widen rather than bridge the digital divide. These include irregular power supply, low literacy levels, and the high cost of digital devices relative to gross domestic product (GDP). There is also an extreme gender divide: women constitute less than 1 percent of active internet users [...] Neither market liberalization nor digitization has had a meaningful impact on the independence of news providers. Even purely commercial outlets retain entrenched links with the political establishment and there remain a host of restrictive laws, which militate against media independence. There are notable exceptions to this in the online domain. News websites such as Saharareporters.com have to some extent avoided both legal and extra-legal state interference by basing their operations abroad. There is also evidence of burgeoning expression and debate in the blogosphere over issues generally considered off limits for mainstream news providers." (Executive summary)
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"Drawing on evidence from the popular protests in Tunisia between December 2010 and January 2011, expert interviews with Tunisian bloggers, and a web survey conducted among Tunisian Facebook users, this paper argues that social media (1) allowed a “digital elite” to form personal networks and ci
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rcumvent the national media blackout by brokering information for outside mainstream media; (2) helped to overcome the “free rider” problem of collective action by reporting the magnitude of protest events; and (3) facilitated the formation of a national collective identity which was supportive of protest action and transcended geographical and socio-economic disparities by providing a shared, mobilizing element of emotional grievance." (Abstract)
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"This article deals with the increasing connections among the Tunisian diaspora and its homeland provided by a widespread use of the social Web. The main aim is to evaluate to what extent the Tunisian diaspora has contributed to a wider diffusion of cyberactivism concerning legitimate claims for dem
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ocracy and human rights, considered as one of the main driving forces behind the 2011 revolution. After introducing some epistemological and methodological issues related to the study of the Web, the paper deepens the history of Tunisian migrants’ online activism in order to grasp connections with the later configuration of the cyberdissidence in the homeland. The last section is dedicated to interpretation of the graphs, in order to compare the research hypothesises with the results stemming from the e-Diaspora project methodology." (Abstract)
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"This article investigates the phenomenon of the Egyptian diaspora through an innovative approach based on the analysis of digital activity and the presence of Egyptian connected migrants. Following the methodology of the e-Diasporas project, we found a scarcely connected network of websites, with a
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large number of isolated nodes, little clusterisation and no authorities or hubs. The fact that the traditional approach of the e-diaspora gave few results prompted us to follow a new research strategy combining data from Web 1.0 and Web 2.0. In particular, thanks to the coincidence with the Egyptian revolt, we could investigate the mobilisation of Egyptian migrants for their voting rights on the micro-blogging platform Twitter. Through Twitter data, we identified links that were not visible through traditional Web mapping techniques and we could observe the emergence of a transnational Egyptian community debating and fighting for a common cause." (Abstract)
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"The article analyzes web-based networks of Palestinian communities in Germany, France, Italy, Austria, Australia, United States, Canada, Spain, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay. The findings show a thematic and demographic shift from organizations of Palestinian communities abroad to a transnational so
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lidarity network focused on Palestinian rights and the Boycott movement. Although Palestinian Territories function as the network’s strong center of gravity, analysis of the references reveals that diaspora and non-diaspora actors operate as two distinct but intertwined networks: while diaspora actors are unique in putting emphasis on community as activity type and on diaspora and the right of return as primary cause, non-diaspora actors are mainly dedicated to solidarity as activity and Palestinian rights and the boycott movement as primary cause. Despite this, ties between diaspora and non-diaspora actors are stronger than among diaspora actors, which indicates that part of the dynamics of Palestinian communities is manifest not only between diaspora communities, but mostly between diaspora communities and civil society organizations in their host societies." (Abstract)
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"The global success of the film KONY 2012 by Invisible Children, Inc., manifests far greater magical powers than those of Joseph Kony and his ruthless Lord’s Resistance Army, which it portrays. The most prominent feature of the Invisible Children lobby is the making and constant remaking of a mast
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er narrative that depoliticizes and dehistoricizes a murky reality of globalized war into an essentialized black-and-white story. The magic of such a digestible storyline, with Ugandan rebel leader Joseph Kony as a global poster boy for evil personified, not only plays into the hands of the oppressive Ugandan government but has also become handy for the US armed forces as they seek to increase their presence on the African continent. As the US-led war on terror is renewed and expanded, Invisible Children’s humanitarian slogan, “Stop at nothing”, has proven to be exceptionally selective, manifesting the occult economy of global activism that calls for military interventions." (Abstract)
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"As with other countries in the region, Peru shows high levels of media concentration. Digitization has not yet aff ected the dominant positions in the Peruvian mass media market. On the contrary, the largest media groups’ hegemonic position has grown stronger. For example, the influence of Grupo
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El Comercio is felt in the political, social, and cultural arenas, where its ability to shape news agendas through its broadcasting and print outlets is unmistakable. The way in which digital terrestrial television has been regulated and the distribution of the digital spectrum add to the power of established media groups." (Executive summary)
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"Overall, digitization has only partly impacted on the media landscape in Chile. It has neither altered the neoliberal trajectory of media policy, nor reduced high levels of ownership concentration and incumbent advantages. But there is, at the very least, a framework in place that will potentially
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open doors to new entrants in the digital terrestrial arena, as well as sustain the public service, local and community sectors. This will provide an important antidote to the digital divide which is likely to persist in terms of access quality, even after universal service is achieved. Whether this potential will be realized is, however, uncertain." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"In Colombia, analog free-to-air television is still by far the most influential source of news. Digitization seems to be increasing both the quantity and range of news and the total public consumption of media as many traditional outlets now have online versions, while some new online only outlets
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have been born in recent years and gained recognition as news providers. Internet use is increasing very fast in urban areas and higher socioeconomic groups. Public media have been strengthened in recent years and public service provision is considered an important issue in Colombia. The transition to digital terrestrial television (DTT) is seen as both a challenge and an opportunity to public media. Digital activism too has grown in Colombia, and active internet users have proved the power of social networking, which has become very popular. Political debates and hostage rescue operations have, among others, triggered big digital mobilizations, especially on Facebook and Twitter." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"Both media organizations and the organization of media in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been profoundly affected by ethnocentrism, political clientelism, the withdrawal of international donors, and the financial crisis. As a result, the country’s march towards digitization has been protracted and u
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neven. Nevertheless, there have been recent signs of progress, with the installation of digital transmitters developing apace in 2012. Advances in the rest of Europe have put pressure on authorities to get their act together and the new deadline of 2014 for analog television switch-off may yet be achievable. This report proposes a series of compelling policy recommendations aimed at catalyzing the digitization process, improving the function of public service broadcasting, and enhancing the stability and independence of both media markets and the regulatory institutions that oversee them. These include a call for new legislation on media ownership; ensuring efficient work of the Digital Terrestrial Television Forum with a view to expediting switch-over; a new system of funding for the Press Council; a range of measures to protect the autonomy of the Communications Regulatory Agency; and greater coordination between public broadcasters and adherence to their mandates." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"Croatia is well ahead of the curve. Experimental broadcasting via digital signals began in 2002 and the last analog television signals were switched off in September 2011. The country has the highest free-to-air digital terrestrial coverage in Europe, exceeding 99 percent of national territory, and
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it is the main television platform for the majority of the population. Television remains the dominant medium for both information and entertainment.However, the internet is the most trusted medium for news and information. Radio has experienced a marginal decline in listenership, but print media have been hit hardest by the global economic downturn and audience migration online. In the final analysis, this report finds that policy has been responsive to digitization and that the process has done much to democratize and pluralize Croatian media. It has not yet, however, neutralized the power of dominant media organizations, or indeed the influence wielded by political elites and advertisers. There is also evidence that in response to digitization, journalism across sectors has become increasingly tabloid and oriented towards soft news, and there are uncertainties as regards the sustainability of public interest media." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"This report finds that the momentous change in ownership transparency regulation and the dynamic and free online environment are the most notable success stories since 2005. Yet these achievements are overshadowed by the lack of independence of the broadcasting regulator and the public broadcaster,
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as well as the slow pace of digital transition. In order to promote positive change, three kinds of reform need to be undertaken. First, the process of drafting the legal framework for digital switch-over must be made transparent and show results in the near future if the country is to be ready for the transition before the switch-off date in 2015. The public interest provisions, must-carry rules, and transparent spectrum allocation and gatekeeping should be given priority. Second, with public awareness of the purpose and implications of switch-over virtually non-existent, an information campaign and public debate need to start without delay. Finally, the independence of two key institutions, the Georgian National Communications Commission and the Georgian Public Broadcaster, needs to be strengthened. In both cases, this can be done by adopting clearer regulatory safeguards against government interference, enforcing transparency, and ensuring civil society participation in selection procedures." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"The growing prominence of online media as a source of news marks the biggest shift in news consumption. Nearly half of all internet users—or more than 20 million people—regularly read news online. The internet is virtually the only platform where criticism of the government is tolerated. There
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have been no major attempts by the authorities to block or limit access to online information. The internet has provided opportunities for public expression for marginalized minorities, including guest workers from Central Asia and sexual minorities. It has also been used as a tool for civic activism and digital mobilizations. Two significant discussions need to be initiated in the near future to help to prevent further deterioration of news quality and to ensure that the public interest is served. Firstly, debate among media professionals on ethical norms in journalism in general and in new media in particular, which would ideally result in developing a set of standards recognized by a sizable proportion of Russia's journalistic community. The second is a public debate on public service broadcasting, which should lead to the drafting of a roadmap of transition from state-controlled outlets and eventually to drafting legislation spelling out the role and remit of public broadcasters." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"With the second-highest penetration of IPTV in Europe, it appears that the Slovenian population has keenly embraced new media platforms at the expense of radio, newspapers, and satellite TV. But the changes and implications for media diversity and society more broadly have stopped short of anything
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that could be considered a digital revolution. Key challenges remain,particularly in securing a sustainable future for the quality news sector. From a consumer and citizen’s perspective, digitization has succeeded in expanding the quantity and accessibility of news and information, but not the quality and diversity of content. In combination with the lingering effects of the financial crisis, the independent performance of the media at large is under threat. This remains the over-arching challenge for policymakers." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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