"Key findings include: Moldova is home to a competitive telecommunications market, affordable internet, and well developed internet infrastructure, much of which has been achieved over the last 10 years; cybersecurity implementation and capacity have not kept pace with policy development. The govern
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ment introduced regulatory and policy measures on cybersecurity in an effort to harmonize with EU protocols. However, implementation requires support due in part to a fragmented cybersecurity ecosystem, a shallow cybersecurity talent pool, and gaps in government technical capacity; digital literacy is a clear policy priority and Moldova is on par with its regional counterparts when it comes to the public’s general digital skill levels; Moldova’s digital government systems and services are advanced with more than 200 public services partially or fully digitalized; Moldova has a relatively open environment in terms of internet freedom but gaps persist with regard to key legislation on data protection, access to information, and the protection of children and youth from digital harms; The ICT sector is experiencing exponential growth, but it is afflicted by an undersupply of technically skilled talent and a shortage of promising technology startups; while the National Bank of Moldova does not have a dedicated financial inclusion unit or a strategy to improve outcomes, e-commerce is at the forefront of the government’s agenda." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Key findings include: Connectivity infrastructure is fairly well developed in coastal urban areas but lags behind in Libya’s sparsely populated southern region; COVID-19 has accelerated the adoption of digital tools and services across sectors; however, Libyans are reluctant to adopt new tools du
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e to unfamiliarity with specific platforms, lack of trust, lack of digital literacy, or when they feel these tools and services are unnecessary; Many Libyan internet users are “Facebook literate,” but are less familiar with more advanced digital tools such as online payments; Libya’s decade-long conflict and instability have limited the House of Representatives' ability to clarify roles, and responsibilities, and to pass new legislation. Laws from the previous regime are still technically in force; The government is prioritizing digitalization; however, there are significant barriers to execution. These are tied to inadequate digital infrastructure, a piecemeal approach rather than an overall strategy, and insufficient legal and regulatory frameworks; Libyan government institutions have uneven cybersecurity capabilities and there is no information publicly available on cybersecurity strategies, data privacy laws or authority, or effective cyber crisis management; Civil society organizations and journalists have limited capacity to respond to cyber attacks and online harassment, often leading to self-censorship." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Oppression of women, financial meltdown, censorship: Research findings by Afghan NGO Nai SOMA and DW Akademie highlight the extent of the Afghan media sector’s breakdown after the Taliban took power in Kabul." (Page 1)
"This article explores the public value of community media in Austria. Though they fulfil various important functions in civil society, they do not enjoy the same legislative recognition and financial funding like other public-value-generating broadcasters do. For this study five normative functions
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have been developed to measure the community media’s public value: the articulation function, the participation function, the complementary function, the media literacy function and the strategies in media convergence function. In thirteen focus groups with members of fifteen Austrian community media, the strong institutionalization of the sector became just as apparent as the existence of a commonly shared self-perception. The normative functions are strongly anchored in the daily routine of the participating programme makers. So, community media in Austria clearly generate public value." (Abstract)
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"This qualitative study report primarily details the reactions of local audiences in Lebanon, Iraq, and Sudan and their perception of media content produced by journalist trained by ENQUIRE (Enhancing Quality Information on Religious Freedoms). The content is compared with that of more traditional,
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local media, in order to assess the professional development of the trained journalists and better identify potential areas of improvement in terms of appealing to the audience and gaining traction and influence. It also adds another dimension, as it seeks to understand how these audiences, coming from different genders, ages as well as religions, consume and trust (or distrust) media content in general. Understanding their perceptions and opinions would allow for the production of more engaging and thought-provoking content in the future, while sparking conversations related to religious minorities. In that respect, although each country has its own set of individual findings, several common trends emerge. The online realm, namely Facebook and WhatsApp, dominates the audience’s media consumption patterns and is often the first resort due to its ease of access and its capacity to make users feel in control of what they consume. This presents its own set of risks and must be appropriately addressed in future endeavors. Regardless, it is too soon to completely discount offline media especially with the ever-present TV stations that manage to reach and influence a significant portion of the population, according to the participants. Despite the difficulty to precisely define it, trust remains an element that manages to greatly shape media consumption patterns. As for the ENQUIRE-trained journalists, their content enjoyed a mixed reception. On the one hand, it often proved to be highly educational and thought-provoking, which is one of the goals of this project. On the other hand, there were times where it was perceived as inflammatory and could not be told apart from typical media outlets’ production, which many participants often avoid." (Executive summary)
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"Ofcom has identified three features not currently captured under the existing regulatory framework that may present a risk to media plurality: online intermediaries and their algorithms control the prominence they give to different news sources and stories; the basis on which online intermediaries
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serve news via their algorithms is not sufficiently transparent; consumers do not always critically engage with the accuracy and partiality of online news. As part of this work, Ofcom commissioned Ipsos UK to conduct qualitative research to help them understand people’s experiences, attitudes, and expectations around online news consumption. The research explored how well people understand the role of online intermediaries in determining the sources and types of news stories they see, how people critically assess online news stories, and whether exposure to a wide range of sources and viewpoints matters to them. Methodology: The research used a longitudinal design which combined online diaries with reconvened online deliberative workshops across four stages. This design enabled the complexity of how online intermediaries work and low levels of understanding around personalisation and media plurality rules to be fully considered, deliberated and reflected upon. Participants were given information about online intermediaries, personalisation (including the use of algorithms and choice architecture), and media plurality to help take them on a journey from spontaneous views to informed citizens." (Introduction, page 4)
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"1. Digital media overshadowed offline media for several reasons. In Jordan’s case, trust was the primary factor and a reoccurring theme during the focus group discussions. Offline media was often associated with the status quo and therefore, inspired little to no credibility for the participants;
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2. Speed and accessibility were also important factors, and this was reflected even within the digital media scene. Content produced by outlets such as 7ibr was perceived as lengthy and time consuming. Attendees favored quick and straight to the point content; 3. Participants’ preference towards social media indicates the need for a perception of control over the content they consume, a feeling they greatly crave due to their distrust of the government as well as traditional media outlets. However, this is a double-edged sword as it leaves them vulnerable to echo chambers, given the way social media algorithms operate." (Findings, page 6)
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"There are stark lessons to be learnt from this assessment: Social media has become the main source of news and information for majority of Kenyans, even though it suffers the greatest trust deficit. Radio remains highly important, while television is the most trusted source of information and newsp
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aper circulation and readership continue to decline — even though newspapers have the highest quality content. The study also found that self-censorship is rife; media sustainability remains a key concern and media freedom has been deteriorating since 2017. To improve media performance in Kenya, three key gaps were identified for plugging. These are skills gaps (the knowledge media personnel need to perform their work effectively); resource shortages (the resources media entities need to execute their mandate); and policy gaps (an enabling environment for the media to thrive)." (Publisher description)
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"The Serbian government prioritizes digitalization. Serbia’s digital transformation accelerated in 2017 with the government’s focus on building a digital government, or “digitalization” as defined by Serbians, and Serbia’s participation in the Digital Agenda for the Western Balkans. As one
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Serbian official described it, digitalization refers to the “fundamental changes reflected in the emergence of an efficient, economical, and transparent public administration.” Although there is no comprehensive national policy for Information and Communications Technology (ICT), Serbia’s digital agenda includes initiatives ranging from expanding connectivity to developing the ICT industry. Prime Minister Brnabic has been a champion for digitalization, and digital transformation will continue to be a key priority in the coming years. Digital connectivity infrastructure in the country is strong and growing. Fourth-generation (4G) mobile broadband covers more than 90 percent of the population. The government and top mobile network operators (MNOs) plan to deploy 5G networks in the near future. Donors such as the European Union (EU) support the expansion of fiber-optic connectivity to connect rural schools. China’s Digital Silk Road Initiative has had a substantial role in building Serbia’s digital infrastructure, ranging from Safe City infrastructure to providing cloud infrastructure and developing an artificial intelligence (AI) platform for the government. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government swiftly embraced online schooling and expanded digital government services. Fragmentation and uneven levels of buy-in across the executive branch hinders Serbian digital government efforts. Serbia’s approach to multi-stakeholder internet governance has also been uneven, with industry and civil society stakeholders lamenting a lack of public engagement. Serbian civil society is working to protect digital rights and freedoms. A growing network of organizations in Serbia and across Southeast Europe is working to protect free expression online, promote information security, and publicize digital rights violations." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"In most African countries, “fake news,” politically motivated disinformation, and misinformation in the media were common occurrences before these became a preoccupation in the Global North. However, with a fast-growing population of mobile users, and the popularization of apps such as WhatsApp
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, misinformation has become much more pervasive across the continent. Researchers have shown that perceived exposure to false information is high in some African countries, and yet citizens often share made-up news intentionally. This article explores the motivations and contributing factors for sharing misinformation in six sub-Saharan African countries. Our analysis of 12 focus groups with university students reveals two common motivations: civic duty and fun. The sharing of political (dis)information was uneven, but common among students with high levels of self-reported political engagement. We also present an array of cues used to determine credibility, which often determines the shareability of information. Crossnational differences are also discussed." (Abstract)
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"This study examined the Libyan conflict which started in 2011 until now. In the same way, the study also focused on how Libyan journalists are fighting for media freedom, particularly in the context of the media laws in the new Constitution of 2017. Through focus group discussions were done with 40
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Libyan journalists. The findings of the study indicated that some media laws did not conform to the international laws and UN treaties, which the Libyan Parliament Committee approved. Another finding of the study was that the journalists advocated for a change in the media laws so that they subscribe to the international law. In addition, the journalists also noted that the Constitution should guarantee press freedom. The journalists indicated that they receive threats if they publish stories critical of the governments or ISIS. They also suggested that their actions as journalists have not been sufficiently factored into the political science framework of the safety valve which may be playing the same role with the new democratisation process in 2021. In the context of these findings, the following recommendations were made: the new government should change Articles 35, 37, 38, 42, 43, 46 and 132 to conform to the international laws and UN treaties." (Abstract)
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"Key objectives of the research study were to understand young Ethiopians’ employment opportunities, aspirations, interactions with their elders and how they feel they are perceived by older generations. Conducted in May 2021, this research study involved participants from four Ethiopian states an
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d the city administration of Addis Ababa. It comprised a quantitative survey with a sample of 2,000 15–29-year-olds, and a qualitative element including 25 focus group discussions with young people, and 5 focus group discussions with parents across urban and semi-urban parts of Bahir Dar, Jijiga and Addis Ababa. 12 in-depth interviews with key stakeholders who work with the federal and regional government and
non-governmental organisations working with young people were also conducted [...] This study suggests that building strong intergenerational ties can be key to empowering young people, increasing their community participation and helping them to achieve their job aspirations." (About this paper)
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"Through a combination of qualitative in-depth interviews with alternative media outlets, quantitative audience surveys involving over 1500 respondents, and focus-group discussions with women and youth civil society actors, this media and information landscape (MILA) evaluates the level of trust tow
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ards different information sources and explores the information flow, dynamics, gaps, and needs experienced by vulnerable groups in marginalized areas. The findings detail gaps between alternative media outlets’ objectives and its organizational structure or capacity needed to achieve its vision, legal and regulatory constraints that limit the accurate sharing of information with audiences, and the detrimental impact of Lebanon’s economic hardships on media financing. The report thus analyzes the information needs of women and youth in marginalized areas, explores linkages between alternative media outlets and civil society actors, and offers recommendations to strengthen media outlet’s capacity to delivery quality news and scale up their reach." (Publisher description)
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"This article focuses on international news channels in the Global South and the perceptions by audiences in Latin America. Designed with the intention of re-shaping global narratives, international broadcasting is considered instrumental to public diplomacy and improving the image of particular cou
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ntries. While many studies focus on global media policies of specific countries or the messages broadcast by international media outlets, less attention has been paid to the impact on audiences. Based on a series of focus groups conducted in Mexico and Argentina, this article discusses how Latin American audiences perceive public diplomacy efforts as channelled by international news media and their effect on country image perception, by focusing on China’s CCTV-E, Russia’s RT and Iran’s HispanTV. The findings show that preconceived images contribute to undermine the acceptance of international broadcasters. In addition, participants were optimistic about RT’s prospects of success in Latin America, hesitant about HispanTV and pessimistic about China Central Television." (Abstract)
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"The most effective propaganda resonates with audiences’ underlying worldviews and personal experiences. In order to fight it, one has to understand the mindsets that it preys on. This paper sets out to do exactly that. We first track a set of Kremlin-aligned propaganda narratives across Ukrainian
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media, then measure their overall traction through a representative national survey conducted by the Center for Security Studies (CSS) at ETH Zurich, and finally use focus groups to understand their deeper appeal and impact. This gives us a uniquely holistic view of contemporary propaganda: from its sources, dissemination, and impact on society right through to how it is received and perceived from the point of view of audiences. The narratives in question include accusations that George Soros’ minions run Ukrainian politics, that the US is building secret bioweapons in Ukraine, and that shadowy “Western curators” secretly control the government. CSS survey data shows that approximately 40% of Ukrainians believe these narratives. They are in turn part of a larger message that sees Ukraine as perpetually under attack from nefarious Western forces. While individual narratives can change over time, this meta-narrative remains. Outright disinformation, conspiratorial thinking, and anti-Western messages combine in a toxic mix. The overall aim is to undermine refo rms, strengthen vested economic interests, alienate Ukraine from its Western partners, and push the country back into Russia’s orbit. While explicitly pro-Russian narratives have become a harder sell in Ukraine since the Kremlin opted to invade the country in 2014, these narratives don’t so much boost Russia as try to make the rest of the world look just as malign. They resonate outside of the usual “pro-Russian” bubble in Ukraine and spread among audiences that are often viscerally opposed to the Kremlin." (Exeuctive summary)
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"This project has explored the ways in which an independent, public service-spirited media could create content about historical issues that avoids playing into propaganda-driven divides, fosters a more constructive discourse around history and brings Ukrainians into a common national conversation.
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The results of our project will also be of use to public diplomats, civic actors and educators, as well as to media outlets that share our aim of reducing polarisation in Ukraine and other countries, and building resilient societies with a full, free and evidencedriven public debate. Arena began the project with polling and segmentation analysis that investigated Ukrainians’ attitudes to history, political beliefs, identity and social values. We then held focus groups designed to identify the common concerns that unite Ukrainians. Using various insights from that analysis and the advice of prominent historians, we worked with Hromadske, an independent Ukrainan online media outlet, to create 16 pieces of video content. Finally, we explored polarised audiences’ reactions to these videos by measuring levels of online engagement and carrying out opinion polls, focusing in particular on the levels of trust." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines how people in Brazil, India, the UK, and the US view news media in their countries, the factors they use when determining whether sources are trustworthy, and what ‘trust in news’ ultimately means to them [...] While we note throughout the report areas of difference between
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the four countries, such as the role played by particular forms of news or individual media figures, mainly we focus on the similarities we found, which were often striking. In most cases, study participants tended to fall back on impressions of brand quality that many said were rooted in how familiar they were with a given source and its reputation established over time based on past use, perceived partisanship, or word-of-mouth. Although many spoke about the importance of accuracy and impartiality in their assessments of trust – with individual journalists typically playing a lesser or even negative role – such terms often meant different things to different people. While a minority raised concerns about representation and whether news aligned with their lived experiences, others focused on perceived political or commercial biases or their sense that all news sources were irretrievably beholden to elite agendas." (Conclusion, page 40)
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"Internews’ Global Tech and Europe & Eurasia teams conducted an extensive information ecosystem assessment (IEA) study in Georgia with a team of local researchers and experts. This IEA examines every region in Georgia, including minority language communities, and adopts a specific focus on social
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media and digital channels of communications in the analysis. The data collected in the study came from a national survey of 1310 individuals, 60 in-depth interviews and eight focus groups, as well as from ethnographic observations and the content analysis of over 12,000 social media posts. Findings in the report are published in three parts: Context, Infrastructure, Regulation, and Revenue; Production, Distribution, and Consumption of Information; Engagement, Trust and Behavior." (https://internews.org)
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"1. Participants used a mix of social media platforms and TV/radio to acquire news. Word of mouth was also a noteworthy source of information. Many participants expressed a distaste for comment sections. It was generally agreed that information found on social media should not be taken as truth.
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The majority of attendees verified information they acquired, especially news from social media platforms. News that was not credible was deemed not worthy of sharing. The participants were scrupulous when it came to cross referencing news.
3. Global news sites were perceived as more trustworthy when it came to international news. The New York Times, for example, was mentioned multiple times.
4. Participants were open to a diverse range of topics including politics, culture, and women’s rights. They felt that education and local tourism as standalone subjects were overused. The integration of mental health resources into the education system sparked discussion and tackled a concept many deemed important." (Findings, page 6)
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