"The media landscape in Kenya continues to evolve, with television and radio remaining key sources of news, entertainment, and engagement for millions of people. GeoPoll’s Audience Measurement (GAM) data from January to December 2024 offers insights into the most-watched television stations and mo
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st-listened-to radio stations nationwide. This report provides an overview of audience preferences, peak listening and viewing times, and regional radio dominance." (Introduction)
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"1. Un asunto de identidad: No existe una única definición de lo que es una radio católica y esa circunstancia que puede ser sana también genera división en los medios. [...]
2. Medios para la comunión: Una conclusión que se desprende de las entrevistas aquí realizadas es que los medios poco
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se comunican entre sí. [...]
3. La financiación: No existe un solo medio en la región que pueda decir que sus finanzas son las más sanas, que no necesita inyección económica alguna o que no desea mejorar sus ingresos. [...]
4. El limbo de la legalidad: Todo medio de comunicación católico se caracteriza, de acuerdo a las conversaciones sostenidas para realizar este libro, por tener una concesión o permiso dentro de la legalidad y si carece de ello es claro que el silencio de los entes reguladores constituye un “permiso” para emitir. [...]
5. La formación y capacitación: Algunos medios de comunicación son robustos en la formación eclesial pero débiles en la capacitación radial. Otros, los menos, son sólidos en lo radial pero flácidos en lo eclesial. [...]
6. Hacia la creatividad: Las radios católicas, en general, proponen a sus audiencias contenidos de fondo, interesantes, formativos, etc. sin embargo su profundidad no se compadece con las formas de presentarlos. [...]
7. La incidencia: Los medios católicos no son protagonistas en la vida de sus regiones y no lo hacen porque no quieren tener problemas con nadie. [...]
8. El sueño de hacer red: Una tarea aplazada en las frecuencias regionales es el trabajo en red del cual se habla, pero no se cristaliza. [...]
9. Evangelizar en una nueva cultura: La experiencia de los medios eclesiales en el entorno digital es concluyente, son más las necesidades que las fortalezas que se tienen. [...]
10. La importancia de las audiencias: Evangelizar al pueblo de Dios ya evangelizado es un círculo vicioso y quizá hasta nocivo para cualquier medio en la medida en que él solo se va cerrando a nuevas posibilidades de escucha. [...]
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"This study provides a detailed snapshot of Timor-Leste’s media in late 2023, exploring the operations and business models of media outlets, the legal landscape, proposed government programs impacting media, and relevant infrastructure ahead of an anticipated significant increase in digital connec
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tivity from late 2024. This research aims to serve as an accessible resource for media, civil society, and related organisations to support the strengthening of Timor-Leste’s media and national development goals. The study adopted a multi-method approach. A desk review was conducted of publicly accessible documents on Timor-Leste’s media policy and legislation, media infrastructure and coverage, and audience consumption patterns. Additionally, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 44 respondents: media practitioners across mainstream and community media, communication officers in government media, and representatives from civil society organisations working closely with media." (Executive summary)
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"Women in Afghanistan continue to have less access to information than men, particularly through TV and the internet. At least 33% of women (more in rural areas) rely on family as a key source of information, while men prioritise other information sources. Yet Afghan women’s information needs have
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never been more pronounced – due to restrictions on their activities, many are confined to their homes. Women in Afghanistan with media access rely on this more than ever to keep updated on issues that concern them, and spend more time accessing and using media: "Now women are in the confines of their homes… The virtual space is the only window for us to learn about what is happening." (Female FGD participant, Herat).
Two-thirds (65%) of female survey respondents say that the media is “very important” in their daily lives, compared with half (51%) of male respondents. Despite various efforts to cater to female audiences, 67% of female and male respondents feel that Afghan media only “somewhat” or “rarely” meets women’s needs. Reflecting restrictions on media content, respondents complain that domestic media contains too much religious content and not enough entertainment. However, educational content is still allowed, providing women and girls who are denied access to schooling with a vital source of education.
Respondents are more satisfied with the balance of content in international media and media run by Afghans in exile, and they are more likely to watch some types of entertainment, such as movies, on international than domestic TV. However, a number of international media outlets are inaccessible from Afghanistan. Journalists inside Afghanistan are banned from working with international TV/radio channels or news sites, and some have been arrested for doing so.
87% of respondents say the presence of women in the media in Afghanistan has decreased since August 2021. Only 41% could name a female presenter or journalist. Almost all of those named by respondents worked in the media before 2021, or currently work from outside Afghanistan. Audience members support women featuring in news and educational programmes but are less supportive of them featuring in comedy and sports content. Over half (54%) of the general survey respondents say they would support a female relative to work as a journalist. A further 12% would support a female relative under certain conditions, including wearing the hijab and travelling with a mahram (women cannot leave their home without a male chaperone)." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"This volume presents an analytical and empirical overview of the array of issues that the Mexican media faces in the post-authoritarian age, which jointly explains how a partially accomplished democracy, its authoritarian inertias, and its unintended consequences hinder the democratic performance o
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f the media. This is analyzed from three points of view: the stalemate Mexican media system and ineffective regulations, the conditions of risk and insecurity of the journalists on the field, and the limits of freedom of expression, political substance, and inclusiveness of media content. A binational effort, with research from US and Mexican authors, a wide analytic perspective is provided on the macro, meso, and micro levels, allowing for a deep conceptual richness and a comprehensive understanding of the Mexican case. With leading researchers in the field, the volume revolves around the problems of the media in post-authoritarian democracies. By answering the questions of how and why the Mexican media has not fully democratized, the works encompassed here can resonate with and are relevant to other post-authoritarian countries and academic disciplines." (Publisher description)
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"First of all, following a reform in 2020 that reorganised Ukraine’s districts, merging many of them to form larger ones, the situation on the map is not critical. There are indeed "unhealthy districts", but the overall situation is better than it could be. With the exception of the temporarily oc
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cupied territories, most districts are "healthy" or "partially healthy". One of the limitations of this study is that there was no immersion at the amalgamated hromada level. We believe that the situation would be worse on closer examination. Secondly, it is clear that districts with oblast centres are always "healthy". Each oblast centre has at least one independent editorial team – a regional branch of the public broadcasting company Suspilne and Ukrainian Radio. These meet the criteria of our methodology, being independent and covering most of the critical information needs. And that is the nature of centres of public life, due to the number of people living there and the logic of journalistic activity. In general, the names of settlements that are far from the centres (district towns, villages) receive fewer mentions in the media (and media research). In the 11 oblasts covered by this study, we found 879 editorial teams that are definitely functioning at present. The average number of operating editorial teams per oblast is 60-70, with 10 or fewer of them being what we consider independent. The majority of independent editorial teams were found in Kharkiv and Donetsk oblasts (14 and 13 respectively). The Kharkiv district (the area around and including the city of Kharkiv) is the "healthiest" of all the districts we studied, with 7 independent editorial teamsLuhansk and Dnipro oblasts have the least number of independent media outlets (3 and 7 respectively). In the case of Luhansk Oblast, many media outlets have simply ceased to exist due to the temporary occupation. Therefore, all the media outlets that actually serve the critical information needs of Luhansk Oblast residents are currently operating as internally displaced outlets outside their home oblast." (Overview of the oblasts)
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"Before the Taliban‘s return in 2021, Afghanistan had made notable strides in promoting transparency and civic engagement through progressive laws governing information access. These landmark measures, praised internationally, represented small but significant steps toward strengthening the countr
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y’s nascent democracy. However, with the Taliban in power, these gains were swiftly dismantled, leading to a dramatic erosion of the free exchange of information and a gradual silencing of voices within the country.
This policy paper examines the profound consequences of the Taliban’s assault on the right to information, emphasizing the erosion of established norms and their replacement with arbitrary decrees. The measures in these decrees to control the media and restrict access to information are systematic and targeted. Actions such as banning demonstrations, implementing strict guidelines for journalists, censoring foreign media, and suppressing criticism serve to manipulate public perception. These measures ensure that only information aligning with the Taliban‘s agenda is disseminated. The Taliban‘s violations constitute a flagrant breach of fundamental international legal standards, including the right to life and freedom from torture. Their actions not only infringe upon these essential human rights but also disrupt humanitarian aid efforts for Afghanistan and undermine the international rules-based order. The lack of information about the Taliban’s engagement with terrorist organizations leaves the global community in the dark.
To address this crisis, the international community must isolate the Taliban and seek justice for their crimes against vulnerable populations in Afghanistan. Strengthening global and exile media is crucial for documenting and exposing these violations. The paper further recommends intensifying pressure on the Taliban to compel a reduction in their draconian measures and to restore some measures of information freedom." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to
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more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions.
The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression.
On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Erosion of Media Freedom in Afghanistan: Since the Taliban regained power in August 2021, media freedom in Afghanistan has drastically declined. Over half of the country's media outlets have closed, leading to widespread unemployment among journalists. The Taliban's media policies enforce strict ce
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nsorship, resulting in self-censorship and threats to journalists still working. As one journalist in Kabul said, "The media in Afghanistan is dead; we were forced out of our jobs, and those who remain face daily threats."
Severe Content Censorship: The Taliban has imposed strict regulations on media content, banning any reports that contradict their interpretation of Islamic values or Afghan national interests. As a result, 95% of journalists surveyed in Afghanistan reported facing restrictions when attempting to document and broadcast their work. "We are no longer allowed to report on incidents involving the Taliban, especially when it comes to conflicts within their ranks," shared a journalist from Badakhshan.
Gender-Based Discrimination and Exclusion: Female journalists have been systematically targeted, leading many to leave the profession. Women working in the media are subjected to strict limitations, such as being required to cover their faces while on air and being denied opportunities to work. This has effectively silenced female voices in Afghan media.
Arbitrary Detention and Physical Abuse: The Taliban have used arbitrary detention and physical abuse as tools to suppress independent journalism. Journalists are often detained without charge, held in poor conditions, and subjected to physical abuse. "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause," said one journalist who had been detained. The report found that 73% of detained journalists reported experiencing physical abuse during their detention.
Self-Censorship as a Survival Tactic: The pervasive atmosphere of fear and intimidation has led to widespread self-censorship among journalists, both within Afghanistan and in exile. This has resulted in a homogenized media landscape, with many journalists avoiding sensitive topics to protect themselves from potential repercussions. A journalist in Afghanistan said, "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause." (Key findings, page 6)
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"The Taliban have revoked and suspended laws that included the right to access information and freedom of expression, and currently there is no effective legal mechanism to protect media outlets and journalists against interference and intimidation. This has led to widespread violation of the right
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to freedom of expression and access to information and has eliminated the ability of citizens to participate in government decision-making that impacts their lives. The findings of this report indicate that the Taliban, with complete disregard to Afghanistan’s international human rights commitments and the country’s pre-Taliban laws, have engaged in suppressing freedom of expression and media using various tools and methods, particularly imposing unlawful and discriminatory restrictions on women journalists. Currently, only a few women journalists are working with the media, conditional upon fully complying with the conditions set by the Taliban’s Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of vice (MPVPV). In addition to this, the Taliban have engaged in persistent harassment and intimidation of media, arbitrary detention and torture of journalists, the detention and killing of protesters and imposing extensive restrictions on the activities of libraries, bookstores, and publishers. The provincial departments of MPVPV, Ministry of Information & Culture (MoIC), General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), and Police Directorates are among the key institutions involved in suppression of freedom of expression and access to information. The Taliban have also dismantled accountability mechanisms such as independent judiciary, independent anti-corruption bodies and prevent media’s access to information on national budget expenditure, thus leading to administrative and financial corruption." (Introduction)
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