"The overall conclusion is that there is an urgent need to address the specific legal framework and major technical and financial challenges identified in this study to ensure pluralism and media diversity in the Kingdom of Swaziland." (Page 10)
"China is challenging the mighty behemoths, Google and Facebook, and creating alternative New Media. 750 million people are active on its Social Mediascape and there are a billion mobile phones deploying the innovative apps with which the Chinese conduct their lives. Though late starters, already fo
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ur of the world's leading New Media companies are Chinese. China's old media - television, newspapers, radio - challenge the established powers which were long thought unassailable, such as CNN and BBC. Produced in many languages on every continent, they are re-defining the agenda and telling the story in China's way, with not just news and documentary series but also entertainment. The world's biggest manufacturer of TV drama is now making its stories for export. China's Media tells you why and how. It investigates the Chinese media, their strengths and weaknesses and how they are different. from the West. This detailed and comprehensive guide aims to showcase their immense variety and diversity, and demonstrates how they came to be a powerful new force in the media world." (Back cover)
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"The tension between blasphemy laws and the freedom of expression in modern times is a key area of debate within legal academia and beyond. With contributions by leading scholars, this volume compares blasphemy laws within a number of Western liberal democracies and debates the legitimacy of these l
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aws in the twenty- first century. Including comprehensive and up-to-date comparative country studies, this book considers the formulation of blasphemy bans, relevant jurisprudential interpretations, the effect on society, and the ensuing convictions and penalties where applicable. It provides a useful historical analysis by discussing the legal-political rationales behind the recent abolition of blasphemy laws in some Western states. Contributors also consider the challenges to the tenability of blasphemy laws in a selection of well- balanced theoretical chapters. This book is essential reading for scholars working within the fields of human rights law, philosophy and sociology of religion and comparative politics." (Publisher description)
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"During the transition years, Albania saw the establishment of a relatively complete legal framework for the protection and development of media freedom and independence.However, in many cases, the legal framework was delayed or a mechanical transplant of western legislation. Enforcement of legislat
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ion remains a problem. In the framework of relations between the media and politics, both in the early transition phases and during recent years, there have been frequent efforts of political formations to ensure in a way control Relations between media and politics in Albania over the media through law as in the case of the Press Law or the case of legislation establishing the regulations for the election of the Steering Council of RTSH and AMA, which gives the opportunity to the political majority to decide on the composition of the steering bodies of these two institutions. In terms of transparency over media ownership, Albania has made progress, but the concern is raised regarding the possibility of hidden ownership. Besides the ownership factor, their funding also has played a considerable role in the degree of dependence or independence of the media. In this regard, for many domestic analysts or international rapporteurs, the situation remains alarming. The EU Progress Report on Albania notes that media financing remains very problematic. There is almost no transparency and funding sources are manipulated or hidden. Similar to countries of the polarized pluralistic media model, in Albania too, professional organizations and the trade unions of journalists are generally weak. An indicator of the lack of organization of the media and the journalists’ community is also the fact that Albania, for a long period during the transition years, has not managed to have a Media Council, which exists in the majority of the region’s countries. The inexistence or poor role of journalists’ associations has led to a poor level of self-regulation of media in the country." (Executive summary)
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"Only 11 percent of 75 surveyed journalists said Cambodian media was headed in the right direction, down from 71 percent in 2015. 83 percent said media freedom had decreased in the past year. 92 percent consider the shutdowns of independent media outlets this year to have been political. 38 percent
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said they had been verbally or physically attacked sometime during their careers in Cambodia, and 47 percent said they had been threatened at one point, up from 26 and 29 percent in 2015. 14 percent said they had been verbally or physically attacked during the past year, and 20 percent said they had been threatened. 67 percent of journalists said they do not feel completely free to report on all subjects without fear of interference or repercussions, up from 58 percent in 2015 and 47 percent in 2014. 91 percent use encrypted messaging service WhatsApp for work communications. Corruption was rated as the most difficult topic to report on in Cambodia, with an average score of 4.2 out of 5. 60 percent said they had participated in more than five training sessions during their careers in Cambodia. 85 percent said they did not think the majority of journalists in Cambodia conducted themselves with sufficient professionalism. The Cambodia Daily, Phnom Penh Post and Voice of America were rated as the most independent media outlets in Cambodia in 2017. Fresh News, Nice TV and Bayon were rated the least independent." (Key findings, page 2)
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"La radio peruana revela una enorme diversidad, la que está en proporción directa con su multiculturalidad. Ambas características descubren un proceso en el que diversos actores sociales despliegan sus marcadas influencias y configuran un escenario complejo, pleno de oportunidades y retos. Más a
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llá de la gran radio comercial capitalina están las otras radios: pequeñas empresas, provincianas, las pertenecientes a la iglesia o a los alcaldes e inclusive a micro empresarios, hijos de la melomanía folklórica. Las múltiples motivaciones producen un panorama con muchos tipos de radio que es preciso comenzar a conocer." (Resumen)
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"Kolumbien verfügt über ein hybrides Mediensystem (Voltmer 2012: 238), das autoritäre und demokratische Merkmale miteinander kombiniert. Die Entwicklung des Mediensystems wird in diesem Beitrag als Konsequenz aus der Kombination formal demokratischer Institutionen mit einer oligarchischen Renten
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konomie interpretiert." (Seite 541)
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"A majority of Thai journalists viewed all roles listed in the questionnaire as very or extremely important. The roles that ranked highest included to report things as they are (88.7%), to provide analysis of current affairs (85.5%), and to be a detached observer (82.1%) (see Table 1). There was lit
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tle dispute about the relevance of all listed roles among the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate, except for acting as an adversary of the government (s=1.01). The roles of providing information people need to make political decision, motivating people to participating in political activity, and monitoring and scrutinizing business were rated as extremely or very important by a slight majority." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"I am glad to introduce the third edition of a series of reports aimed at discussing macroeconomic developments in the Central African Republic, Chad, Guinea, Mali, and Niger. This series intends to foster public debates on key macroeconomic and fiscal policy options in support of poverty reduction.
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It disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. One of the objectives of the series is to appraise regional trends and analysis quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. In short, this new series is a novel vehicle for the Bank to pitch priority policy reforms not yet properly tackled or even debated in those countries [...] Because economic diversification is slow and ongoing electoral processes are complex, joint efforts are currently underway to construct new development strategies. In this regard, this report analyzes the status of the “digital revolution,” i.e., the rapid penetration of information and communication technologies (ICT) services in these countries. Such services weigh heavily on future growth and poverty reduction prospects. However, complex regulation and heavy taxation by international standards are placing major obstacles on ICT development and the industry’s competitiveness in these countries that need to be removed. In addition, our special section entitled “Country Focus” addresses a common regional problem in these agriculture-based economies, namely Mali’s low agricultural productivity. Many lessons are learned from its major determinants, and multiple policies to accelerate it are proposed." (Foreword)
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"As this study shows, many of the more than 21,000 German foundations contribute a wealth of ideas, and substantial funding, to a wide variety of journalistic projects and grants. But only around 120 foundations profess express support of journalism in their statutes. Unfortunately, the total moneta
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ry value of their activities remains in the dark. A project of the not-for-profit ZEIT-Stiftung makes the case in point what a focused engagement can look like. The area of interest is in Eastern Europe, where preconditions for independent reporting are entirely different from Germany, and where information is hard to get hold of, or cannot be accessed at all. Between 2000 and 2016, ZEIT-Stiftung has been awarding its prestigious “Gerd Bucerius Prize for a Free Press in Eastern Europe” for a total of 17 times (from 2004 in cooperation with Norwegian Fritt Ord Foundation). In a trusting international cooperation, the two foundations have awarded 97 laureates – 40 journalists and 57 media outlets – with €1.7m overall. The aim: to strengthen independent journalism in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, both foundations have launched the follow up project “Free Media Awards. Supporting Independent Journalism in Eastern Europe“.
It is well worthwhile further to encourage foundations to engage with projects that contribute to better journalism and plurality of opinion. Support for, and the defence of, press freedom; the free flow of information; and improving journalistic standards remain on top of the agenda. Notably, this is precisely not about steering opinion-forming processes, peddling of influence, or surreptitious lobbying. Moreover, foundations are not positioned to mitigate the adverse effects that come with the erosion of traditional business and distribution models. Nor can they develop alternative sources of media revenue. But as actors of civic society, foundations can uphold the importance of journalism. They can insist on the diversity, quality, and relevance of journalism – values that are constitutive for an open society. They can do so, for instance, through endowed journalism professorships, or by way of training and exchange programmes for mid-career journalists." (Foreword, pages 5-6)
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"Afghanistan has made great strides in establishing media and communications outlets. However, very little is known about the ways in which Afghans actually engage in information exchange. To inform work with the media and effectively enhance access to information in Afghanistan, Internews commissio
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ned Sayara Research to map information ecosystems in three areas of Afghanistan. The information ecosystem in Afghanistan is vital to understand how Afghans make decisions about everything from personal security to health, migration, and livelihoods. Using a systems approach to analyzing information within and across communities is a powerful way to uncover deficiencies in current approaches and opportunities for future work." (Internews website)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Brazilian journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, to be a detached observer, to let people express their views, and to provide analysis of current affairs (see Table 1). These resu
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lts express the relevance of the “classic” roles of journalism as indicated by the quite low standard deviations. There was also a consensus among the respondents over the little importance of conveying a positive image of political leadership, being an adversary of the government, and supporting government policy. Most of Brazilian journalists supported politically assertive roles, like advocating for social change, providing information people need to make political decisions, monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders, and supporting national development. On the other hand, the interviewees consider less important to provide entertainment and relaxation, and to monitor and scrutinize business." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"With regard to professional role orientations, Russian journalists found it most important to report things as they are and to educate the audience. The relevance of these roles was fairly undisputed among the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Likewise, the
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re was a strong consensus among the respondents over the little importance of supporting government policy and conveying a positive image of political leadership. Still, a majority of journalists in Russia found it important to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life, to advocate for social change, to provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience, to provide analysis of current affairs, to tell stories about the world, to be a detached observer, to let people express their views, to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, and to support national development. Politically more assertive roles, on the other hand, were supported by only a minority of respondents. Following traits belong to these roles: influencing public opinion, setting the political agenda, and acting as adversary of the government." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"The conventional method for studying media systems has been to analyse the relationship between media and politics, based on Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) seminal research Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Their approach automatically places the nation-state as the key un
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it of analysis to understand why media systems are the way they are and why they change. Research that has advanced this endogenous method of analysis in countries outside of the Western, democratically advanced context, has brought to light the importance of including external factors in studying media systems. Building off this analytical direction, this thesis introduces three new external factors; foreign aid, the conditionalities attached to foreign aid, and the role of externally created Pan-African media policy agreements. Using a case study of Malawi, a small aid-dependent country in Southeast Africa, this research interrogates these three factors to reveal that foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that has been used for manipulating change and shaping the type of media Malawi has. Based on the country’s recent transformation from its authoritarian populist past towards the dominant liberal media model in 2012, this research also reassesses Hallin and Mancini’s convergence thesis, which claimed that most countries are ‘naturally’ heading towards the dominant liberal media model. Drawing on theoretical contributions made from the fields of international relations and international development, this thesis develops a critical international political economy approach to the theory of foreign intervention to challenge this claim." (Abstract)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Chilean journalists found it most important to report things as they are and to provide analysis of current affairs. The relevance of these “classic” roles was fairly undisputed among the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard devi
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ations indicate. Likewise, there was a strong consensus among the respondents over the little importance of acting as an adversary of the government and conveying a positive image of political leadership. Still, a majority of journalists in Chile found it important to educate the audience, to promote tolerance an cultural diversity, to let people express their views, to influence public opinion, to monitor and scrutinize political leaders, to tell stories about the world, to provide information people need to make political decisions, to monitor and scrutinize business, and to advocate for social change. Only a minority of respondents supported roles like providing entertainment and relaxation, motivating people to participate in political activity, supporting government policy, being an adversary of the government, and conveying a positive image of political leadership." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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