"Relations between the media and government in Nigeria have historically been conflictual. Nevertheless, the Nigerian media has played important roles in the country’s struggles to free itself from the shackles of colonialism and military rule. A national desire for disengagement from decades of m
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ilitary dictatorship, however, took away the usually critical edge of the Nigerian media once the democratic dispensation got underway. But as the post-transition euphoria gave way to realism, government and media relapsed into their old animosity. This article argues that the initial indifference to certain undemocratic tendencies – especially of the Obasanjo administration in the name of not ‘rocking the boat’ of the new-found democracy – did set a new ambience, resulting in government becoming too sensitive to criticism. The article posits that the initial ambivalence of the media towards the government could have inflicted more harm on the democratic project than good, and was responsible for the manner in which the government responded by the time it regained its critical edge. It contends that the media should at all times remain faithful to its watchdog role, hereby assisting in strengthening the country’s democracy." (Abstract)
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"De Honduras se habla poco, salvo cuando hay huracanes o golpes de Estado. Y de las emisoras populares hondureñas se habla menos, se conoce nada. Por eso, cuando las compañeras y compañeros de Radio Progreso me invitaron a relatar lo que vivieron aquel trágico 28 de junio 2009, no dudé en acept
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ar el desafío. Fui a El Progreso, grabadora en mano, con ganas de escuchar lo vivido cuando los militares, ordenados por el golpista Micheletti, clausuraron la radio. Para mi sorpresa, me contaron de un primer cierre, en 1979, durante los tiempos duros de la Seguridad Nacional. Y me contaron más, de cuando la huelga grande contra las bananeras gringas. Porque Radio Progreso está enclavada en la ciudad que fue el epicentro de esta insurrección sindical que cambió la vida del país. Tenía pocos días y eran muchos los testimonios y las anécdotas. Grabé muchas horas, conversé con casi todos los colegas de la emisora y con algunos antiguos trabajadores. Como siempre pasa, quedaron entrevistas pendientes. Es que la vida nunca cabe en un libro. En el relato hay expresiones muy catrachas que sólo se entenderán en las tierras de Morazán. No hace falta explicarlas. La imaginación es suficiente. Hay diálogos donde no pongo quiénes hablan. Tampoco es necesario. El protagonismo es de todo el equipo de la radio. Radio Progreso lleva cincuenta y cinco años acompañando al pueblo pobre del norte de Honduras, luchando por sus derechos. Cincuenta y cinco años siendo coherente con la revolución del Reino de Dios, la que predicó un tal Jesús de Nazaret, olvidado por tantas iglesias que dicen representarlo. Más de medio siglo. Se dice pronto. Cuando acabé de redactar el testimonio, me vinieron a la mente los versos de Brecht. Me atrevo a glosarlos diciendo que hay emisoras que luchan un día y son buenas. Hay otras que luchan un año y son mejores. Hay las que luchan muchos años y son muy buenas. Pero hay las que luchan toda la vida: ésas son las imprescindibles." (Unas palabras antes, página 3)
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"This book explores the role of media in democratic societies and specifically that of PSB's in Asia. It presents case studies from Bangladesh, Bhutan, Kampuchea, Hong Kong, India, Malaysia, Macau, Sri Lanka, and Singapore. These studies document the Asian experience in PSB while exploring if there
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is a role that such networks are playing (or can play) in creating a civic conscious society." (Back cover)
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"The Philippines is a palimpsest where traditional, modern and postmodern influences manifest themselves contemporaneously. Its politics is traditional, its culture modern and its media postmodern. Understanding the role of new technologies, such as digital media, under these circumstances requires
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an appreciation of incommensurable factors that are nevertheless intercalated. The surface of Philippine politics appears imperturbable but underneath it, notions of the political are being reformulated as a consequence of the new media and its globalizing influence." (Abstract)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"This article reviews the authoritarian regimes, and the subsequent transitions to democracy, that existed in Latin America in the last third of the 20th Century. It is argued that, unlike in other cases, the political science account of such changes, usually self-described as “transitology”, do
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es indeed fit the evidence fairly well. On the other hand, such an account demonstrably fails to illuminate very important features of the experience, notably the relative lack of change in the ownership, structure and practices of the mass media, which is very strongly marked in television. The same large companies that collaborated with, and benefited from, the authoritarian regimes, are still in a dominant position. At the same time, many of the extreme social inequalities that characterise the continent have either hardly been addressed or have actually been exacerbated. It is therefore concluded that these examples are equally well or better explained by a theory that stresses the degree of social continuity between the different political orders." (Abstract)
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"To what extent do the structures and conduct of leading news media correspond with their specific democratic role? Authors from 10 countries provide empirical evidence based on the 26 indicators included in the Media for Democracy Monitor." (Back cover)
"Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa examines the role that popular media could play to encourage political debate, provide information for development, or critique the very definitions of 'democracy' and 'development'. Drawing on diverse case studies from various regions of the Afric
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an continent, essays employ a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to ask critical questions about the potential of popular media to contribute to democratic culture, provide sites of resistance, or, conversely, act as agents for the spread of Americanized entertainment culture to the detriment of local traditions. A wide variety of media formats and platforms are discussed, ranging from radio and television to the Internet, mobile phones, street posters, film and music." (Publisher description)
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"This book provides a clear and authoritative introduction to the emerging Arab media industries in the context of globalization and its impacts, with a focus on publishing, press, broadcasting, cinema and new media. Through detailed discussions of the regulation and economics of these industries, t
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he authors argue that the political, technological and cultural changes on the global media scene have resulted in the reorganization of the Arab media field. They provide striking examples of this through the particular effects on media policies, media technology and the content and genres developed for the new generation of media consumers. As part of the book's overview of the contemporary characteristics of Arab media, the authors outline the development of the role of modern Arab media from a tool of mobilizing the public to a tool of commercial and symbolic profit. Overall, the volume illustrates how the Arab region represents a unique case where the commercialization and liberalization of selected media industries has gone hand in hand with continuous state intervention and an increasing self censorship." (Publisher description)
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"This article presents a combination of factors as a framework for examining how globalization and media impact developing democracies in the Global South. In particular, it pays attention to the interplay of changing technologies, regulatory regimes and local entrepreneurs with global expertise (ob
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tained primarily through education overseas) and their combined impact on the media ecology in such countries. Using a historical analysis of the trends that started in the early 1990s, the article shows how countries like Ghana took advantage of key changes in globalization to create a vibrant media ecology that directly impacts the role of citizens. Specifically, the author posits that in Ghana the liberalization of the broadcast industry, the expertise of glocal entrepreneurs, and the explosion of new communication technologies like the Internet and mobile phones have led to a reconstitution of the public sphere and the creation of a new cultural elite." (Abstract)
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"The article explores the case of Radio Ndeke Luka, a UN-backed peace radio in the Central African Republic. It investigates whether government intimidation influences the radio’s public watchdog role and, if so, in what ways and to what extent, and whether and how the support of a European NGO an
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d the UN influence the impact of the intimidation. The conceptual framework for framing these questions is established by applying the media watchdog theory to processes of democratisation and interweaving it with peace-oriented media and Althusserian theory. The empirical data are gained through twelve semi-structured individual telephone interviews with journalists, an editorial delegate, local civil society representatives, a former diplomat and the Central African Minister of Justice. The study shows that government intimidation does not transform Radio Ndeke Luka into a lapdog but significantly reduces its bite. It is argued that protecting journalists from intimidation so that they can best act as watchdogs not only requires long-term efforts to change cultures and systems that breed press violence, but also necessitates new approaches that may lead to faster and smaller scale results." (Abstract)
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"It has to be underlined that this study does not see the internet as a major remedy for the development of political culture and civil society that is so essential for Pakistan’s further democratic consolidation. To understand possible contributions of the new information technologies towards pol
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itical progress it is important to consider them within the context of society. If the new media are integrated into ongoing struggles for change they can actually open up the landscape of ‘old politics’, providing additional possibilities for civic engagement and mobilisation. This is perhaps most evident in the efforts for women’s empowerment on and over the internet which in fact represent a new approach to the long-term activism against violence against women and for women’s rights in Pakistani society. The necessary attempts to reach a coherent legislation for internet use in Pakistan might provide another example in this regard - when pursued in a concerted manner. Here, civil society and the private sector could seek to develop a unified position vis-à-vis the state and to influence the government’s decision making process, thereby indirectly touching fundamental issues such as civil rights and cultural tolerance." (Conclusion, page 66)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government "privately" owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"La Comunicación Política en México aborda las formas en que la dimensión comunicativa de la sociedad mexicana enfrenta dos tendencias contrapuestas: las inercias de un sistema político autoritario, y la coexistencia con nuevos valores y significaciones en torno al poder y a la toma de decision
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es, lo que implica una participación política más clara por parte de la sociedad civil. La obra se estructura en torno a tres ejes temáticos fundamentales: la Comunicación Política y los Procesos Electorales; estrategias de Comunicación Política; Comunicación Política y la relación México-Estados Unidos. Los participantes en esta obra son miembros del grupo de investigación en Comunicación Política de la Asociación Mexicana de Investigadores de la Comunicación (AMIC)." (Resumen)
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