"This paper has demonstrated that the benefits for the general Afghan and Iraqi public derived from the ‘promotion of independent media’ by institutions like the NED are questionable, especially for parties interested in encouraging more deliberative or participatory forms of democracy. Instead,
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the promotion of ‘independent’ media in Afghanistan and Iraq seems to be playing a key role in the promotion of low-intensity democracy or polyarchy. Additionally, it also appears that countries of greater geostrategic value need more ‘democratization’, for example, both countries have roughly the same population but ‘oil rich Iraq received 20 times more American media development assistance per year than war-ravaged Afghanistan, one of the poorest nations on earth’ (Rohde, 2005: 29). With such large amounts of money being wielded by ‘democracy promoters’, their short term influences may impact heavily on both countries, yet perhaps the most significant effects of these media interventions will be felt in the long term. Previous case studies have shown that groups or individuals supported by ‘democracy promoters’ are expected to move on to fill leading roles within their societies." (Conclusion, page 124)
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"Le président brésilien Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva n’a jamais eu de relations faciles avec la presse de son pays. Cette dernière a en effet appuyé, en grande majorité, le coup d’État qui a mené à la dictature militaire (1964-1985), et mis, depuis le rétablissement de la démocratie, tou
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te son énergie au service des candidats conservateurs. Cela n’a pas empêché finalement Lula de l’emporter en 2002, et d’être réélu en 2006, les deux fois avec un nombre record de suffrages. Cet ouvrage met l’accent sur le rôle d’acteur politique que joue la presse au Brésil, avec ses intérêts propres, y compris économiques, même lorsqu’ils sont dissimulés sous le manteau des grands principes démocratiques (« l’indépendance du quatrième pouvoir », « l’intérêt public », etc.). Publiant des témoignages inédits provenant des coulisses du gouvernement et des rédactions, Giancarlo Summa montre comment un leader charismatique, qui gouverne au nom des intérêts matériels et symboliques de la majorité défavorisée de la population, parvient à rompre le blocus des médias traditionnels. Le choix du président d’une communication directe (meetings, messages télévisés, Internet, recours à la presse locale et aux radios communautaires, etc.) lui a permis assurément de contourner le monopole médiatique des grands groupes commerciaux. Cependant Lula a renoncé à mettre sur pied une véritable politique de communication susceptible de remettre en question les intérêts structurels de ces grandes compagnies et de favoriser la création de médias alternatifs d’importance." (Dos de couverture)
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"Mit den ersten freien Wahlen im Jahr 1993 trat Kambodscha nach Jahren der Unterdrückung und des Krieges ein schwieriges Erbe an. Mitte der 90er Jahre vollzogen sich gleichzeitig drei Prozesse: die Friedenskonsolidierung, die Industrialisierung und die Demokratisierung. Welche Rolle Massenmedien be
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i diesen Entwicklungen einnehmen, ob sie diese hemmen oder beflügeln, ob Medien in ihrer Arbeit behindert oder ihnen freien Lauf gelassen wird, dies zeigt die vorliegende Analyse anhand des kambodschanischen Beispiels. Kambodscha entpuppt sich hierbei als komplexer Sonderfall, der aufgrund der zeitlich parallel ablaufenden Prozesse aufschlussreiche Ergebnisse erwarten lässt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Senegal is said to be a democratic model for Africa. This reputation was promoted by the former presidents Senghor and Diouf (both Socialist Party), and confirmed through the democratic change of government to the Senegalese Democratic Party under its leader Wade in 2000. Ostensibly, the successful
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democratization is reflected in the mass media sector, which has gone through a dydnamic change since the end of the 1970s. In the course of the process of liberalization, pluralization and popularization, the market was segmented and media usage increased. The public sphere is established by political, religious, economic, media and regulation actors who compete for influence, control and ownership. One of the main characteristics of Senegalese media culture consists of multiple conflicts between these actors. In fact, the media played an important part in the democratization process and the development of civic resonsibility, but at the same time these transformations paradoxically contributed to the undermining of foundations of democracy in the last 15 years. After a historic retrospect, the article describes the conflicting practices of the competing actors in the public sphere, and explains why these practices are responsible for the lack of credibility of mass media among the Senegalese population." (Abstract)
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"[...] This authoritative book answers key questions about the connections between media and political change in the Arab world. Using research into, for example, practices of Internet users, journalists, demonstrators and producers of reality TV, it explores the interface between public interaction
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over the airwaves, at the polls and on the streets. A lively group of contributors explores such issues as whether young people are served well by new media, whether blogging is an influential political tool, whether satellite news helps or hinders diasporic communities politically, and much more." (Publisher description)
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"Exporting Press Freedom examines the history and practice of media assistance, and argues that the dilemma of media independence and sustainability is best understood as an economic problem rather than one of poor editorial standards or lack of will. It includes profiles of news and public affairs
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media in developing and democratizing countries, and also of two non-governmental organizations that have pioneered the use of low-interest loans in media assistance. These profiles exemplify strategic and entrepreneurial approaches to developing and supporting public service media. Such approaches may be of use not only in the developing world, but in the consolidated Western democracies as well, where concern has grown about poor journalistic performance and its consequences for democratic governance." (Publisher description)
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"In order to work towards a more constructive role for the media in Bolivian society in the present context, this report suggests a strategy which could focus on the following four areas: advocacy for changes in the legal framework; spaces for debate and reflection; strengthening the quality of jour
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nalism; protection for journalists. For each of these areas specific interventions of immediate action are recommended. Such interventions focus on attending to the more pressing needs by seeking ways in which the media are not led to play an adverse role in the growing tension and the deepening of the conflict in Bolivia but rather to fulfill a role that makes it possible to create a bridge among the different political positions and current interests, and between these and Bolivian society." (Executive summary, page 3)
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