"Democracies with sharp violence and public insecurity have proliferated in recent decades, with many also featuring extreme economic inequality. These conditions have not been explicitly considered in comparative research on journalists' work environments, an omission that may obscure important rea
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lities of contemporary journalism. We address this gap through analysis of journalist surveys in 62 countries. We confirm the existence of insecure democracies as an empirical phenomenon and begin to unravel their meaning for journalists. We find democracies with uneven democratic performance tend to have more journalist assassinations, which is the most extreme form of influence on work, and that levels of democratic performance, violence, public insecurity and economic inequality significantly shape how journalists perceive various influences in their work environment. Case studies of insecure democracies in Africa and Latin America address why these conditions sometimes (but not always) lead to journalist assassinations and other anti-press violence. They suggest anti-press violence is higher when sub-national state actors intensify criminal violence and when insecurity is geographically and topically proximate to journalists. How journalists' perceive influences on work are therefore more complex and multidimensional than previous research has suggested. The study concludes by identifying areas for improvement in data collection." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on abuses by state and non-state actors against journalists and other media workers since 2014. It is based on over 50 interviews with journalists working throughout south-central Somalia and Puntland, the semi-autonomous state in northeastern Somalia. Beyond killings, attempted
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killings, and a range of threats, the report also documents how journalists in the new interim regional states and in Puntland face unique obstacles that undermine their reporting." (Page 2)
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"Global press freedom declined to its lowest point in 12 years in 2015, as political, criminal, and terrorist forces sought to co-opt or silence the media in their broader struggle for power. The share of the world’s population that enjoys a Free press stood at just 13 percent, meaning fewer than
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one in seven people live in countries where coverage of political news is robust, the safety of journalists is guaranteed, state intrusion in media affairs is minimal, and the press is not subject to onerous legal or economic pressures. Steep declines worldwide were linked to two factors: heightened partisanship and polarization in a country’s media environment, and the degree of extralegal intimidation and physical violence faced by journalists. These problems were most acute in the Middle East, where governments and militias increasingly pressured journalists and media outlets to take sides, creating a “with us or against us” climate and demonizing those who refused to be cowed." (Page 1)
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"The article deals with the issue of establishing criminal liability for crimes against journalists. Areas of research on this subject are identified. The basic research and publications on issues are reviewed. The need for introducing such liability is investigated. It is indicated that several spe
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cial trains crimes against journalists were added to the Law of Ukraine "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Strengthening Guarantees ofJournalistic Activities" Criminal Code of Ukraine: 1) threats or violence against a journalist (art. 345-1 of the Criminal Code); 2) intentional destruction or damage to property of a journalist (art. 347-1 of the Criminal Code); 3) attempt on the life of a journalist (art. 348-1 of the Criminal Code); 4) hostage seizure of a journalist (art. 349-1 of the Criminal Code). Deficiencies are identified in the existence of separate groups of crimes - crimes against journalists due to the presence in the existing criminal law norms that punish such acts. It is also concluded that the introduction of special rules to the criminal law Ukraine should be conditional on increased (or reduced) level of social danger of the act versus offense under the general rule. It is claimed that journalists should be provided protection by the criminal law, but without creating more competition and overloading the Criminal Code of Ukraine." (Abstract)
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"This report details how the criminal law is used to limit peaceful expression in India. It documents examples of the ways in which vague or overbroad laws are used to stifle political dissent, harass journalists, restrict activities by nongovernmental organizations, arbitrarily block Internet sites
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or take down content, and target religious minorities and marginalized communities, such as Dalits. The report identifies laws that should be repealed or amended to bring them into line with international law and India’s treaty commitments. These laws have been misused, in many cases in defiance of Supreme Court rulings or advisories clarifying their scope. For example, in 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that speech or action constitutes sedition only if it incites or tends to incite disorder or violence. Yet various state governments continue to charge people with sedition even when that standard is not met. While India’s courts have generally protected freedom of expression, their record is uneven. Some lower courts continue to issue poorly reasoned, speech-limiting decisions, and the Supreme Court, while often a forceful defender of freedom of expression, has at times been inconsistent, leaving lower courts to choose which precedent to emphasize. This lack of consistency has contributed to an inconsistent terrain of free speech rights and left the door open to continued use of the law by local officials and interest groups to harass and intimidate unpopular and dissenting opinions." (Summary, page 2)
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"Focusing largely on the period since retired general Thein Sein assumed the presidency in 2011, the report provides an in-depth analysis of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Processions Act, the Telecommunications Act, the News Media Law, the Electronic Transactions Act, and various Penal Code pro
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visions, among other laws. It draws from interviews with individuals facing charges, former political prisoners, journalists, students, activists, and members of civil society organizations. The new NLD-led government has taken strong first steps to release political prisoners and repeal abusive laws, but with Burma’s constitution giving the militarycontrol of the police, arrests under these abusive laws continue. Human Rights Watch calls on the government to drop all pending and new charges against peaceful critics and protesters and make it a priorityto dismantle the legal infrastructure of repression in Burma by amending or repealing all laws thatcriminalize peaceful expression and bringing them into line with international human rights standards." (Back cover)
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"The imprisonment of Al Jazeera English (AJE) journalists (Australian Peter Greste, Egyptian-Canadian national Mohamed Fahmy, and Egyptian Baher Mohamed) in Egypt between 2013 and 2015 reflected the recent ten agenda items of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNES
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CO) about the safety of journalists (Pöyhtäri & Berger, 2015). Building on the relevance of press theories (Siebert, Peterson, & Schramm, 1956; Curran, 2002) as well as developmental and peace journalism (Carpentier, 2007 cited in Cammaerts & Carpentier, 2007) as a theoretical basis, this paper examines the twenty-one month reportage of the AJE case by public broadcasters such as AJE, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). It assesses whether the UNESCO’s Safety of Journalist agenda was covered. A “mixed method” (Kolmer, 2008), quantitative and qualitative content analysis research design, was used. Four hundred and ninety-five articles from the three broadcasters’ coverage were analyzed in two stages which overall began from the day (December 29, 2013) of arrest of the AJE trio until a week after Fahmy’s and Mohamed’s final release (September 30, 2015). The analysis found that items noted in the UNESCO’s Safety of Journalists’ agenda were not overtly spelt out in the coverage by the broadcasters but cloaked under a wider press freedom framework that hung over the case. Findings also reflected the critical need to address the safety of journalists in Egypt and other parts of Africa, despite the democratic awaking of the 2011 Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"This paper argues that the safety of journalists in Ghana can no longer be taken for granted given the available evidence of physical attacks on journalists (Joint Statement NMC et al., 2016 and MFWA, 2016). The overarching objective of the study is to portray Donkor’s case as typical of similar
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cases in Ghana and beyond and highlight the implications of attacks on journalists. In the past decade or so, physical attacks on journalist have been the most prevalent form of violation against journalists in Ghana. In this essay, a single case study of Donkor is examined together with relevant documents as the tip of an iceberg to demonstrate and paint a picture of the harrowing and degrading experience of physical and other forms of attacks against journalists in Ghana and its implications for safeguarding press freedom and the fundamental human rights of people. The incidence of attacks against journalists and how such perpetrators often go unpunished, though not a phenomenon peculiar only to Ghana, needs serious interrogation given the latitude of freedom of the media guaranteed in the 1992 fourth republican Constitution of Ghana. It is pertinent to ask: how far have stakeholders contributed to the promotion of journalists’ safety as prescribed in UNESCO’s Safety of Journalists Document? While chronicling some instances of actions, which tend to endanger the lives of journalists in the line of duty, I would conclude that a concerted effort is required to enable journalists, the public, civil society organisations, international organisations and state institutions to initiate strategic actions aimed at tackling the problem." (Abstract)
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"Press freedom in China, Hong Kong and Macau deteriorated further in 2015, as the Communist Party of China used every means at its disposal to control the media. Its ultimate target, as always, was to preserve its power in the mainland, extend its influence over Hong Kong and Macau, and tightly mana
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ge perceptions of its relationship with Taiwan. The law, the administration, the bureaucracy and the government-owned media were its weapons. Propaganda, censorship, surveillance, intimidation, detention without trial, sabotage of the internet, brutality in the field, and televised “confessions” were its ammunition." (Introduction, page 4)
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"As we stand now, Pakistan’s media continues its stratospheric expansion, but in the midst of curbs and controls and ongoing safety issues. Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka are treading a precarious path to finding credible and independent spaces for the media against economic challenge and political c
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hange – one that has promisingly seen the return of journalist exiles in the case of Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, journalists in the world’s largest democracy in India are standing firm in the face of ongoing direct assaults, wage challenges and threats by governments, security forces and other political and religious powers. And sadly, Afghanistan has found itself in a new war on media as international support withdraws and the Taliban and the IS amplify their efforts at control as evidenced through the horrific suicide attack on Tolo TV workers in Kabul – the single deadliest attack on the country’s media. But perhaps nowhere has the battle for freedom of expression been as acute and brutal in the past year as Bangladesh. As we prepare to launch this report, there have been two more horrendous murders of individuals working to push the boundaries of free expression– blogger Nazimuddin Samad and editor Zulhaz Mannan. They are among seven bloggers and journalists killed in the last year and form part of a broader, sustained project of silencing being ruthlessly conducted by fundamentalists and extremists that have turned the country into a killing field for those who dare to speak with an alternate voice." (Foreword, page 4)
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"Más de 1050 periodistas asesinados y desaparecidos (unos 22,8 casos al año) hicieron de América Latina el escenario más peligroso del mundo para el ejercicio profesional, entre 1970 y 2015, incluso en países sin guerras oficialmente aceptadas. Desde las dictaduras hasta el narcopoder, desde M
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xico y el Caribe hasta el Cono Sur, ningún otro libro entrega una radiografía tan profunda sobre este problema; un mal ya endémico que exige solución urgente; de no resolverse, las sociedades latinoamericanas -junto con la libertad de prensa- perderán todos los derechos por los que han luchado. Con una bibliografía exhaustiva y un análisis tan riguroso como aterrador, Bernardo Díaz Nosty nos muestra cómo la crisis de justicia produce impunidad y perpetúa la ley del terror. "Antes de llegar al asesinato, suele producirse el acoso sobre el periodista y sus familiares, las agresiones físicas, la estigmatización, las extorsiones [...] Todo ello conduce a la quiebra de la independencia profesional, a la renuncia de la actividad periodística, al exilio, cuando no a la claudicación y a la entrega a las condiciones que establece el enemigo". (Editorial)
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"[This publication] documents harassment and intimidation by government and ruling party officials against the media and civil society, particularly outside the capital, Kampala. The police, district officials, internal security officials, and the country’s broadcasting regulator visited and calle
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d stations to silence critical or independent voices. Journalists have been suspended and radio stations threatened with closure for hosting opposition members as guests. Likewise, state agents visited nongovernmental organizations working on governance, human rights, and oil sector transparency, threatened them with deregistration and closure, and in some cases, physically assaulted and arrested NGO activists. A pending law threatens to create broad and vaguely worded crimes for legitimate civil society work. The government and all other relevant authorities should respect and protect the freedoms of expression and association and cease intimidating and harassing journalists and civil society members. The government of Uganda should respect and uphold its obligations under international human rights law and Uganda’s own constitution to protect freedom of speech and voters’ right to receive and obtain information at this critical time. Unless remedied, violations of these basic rights will impede Uganda’s ability to hold free and fair elections." (Abstract)
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"This report details how Pakistan’s blasphemy laws violate human rights, both in their substance and their application – whether this is violations of human rights by the state, or abuses of the laws by non-state actors. The laws do not meet human rights standards and lack essential safeguards t
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o minimise the risk of additional violations and abuses. It is difficult to establish precise information on the number of blasphemy cases as there is limited available data. However, data provided by human rights groups the National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) shows a large increase of cases since the 1980s. For example, according to NCJP, a total of 633 Muslims, 494 Ahmadis, 187 Christians and 21 Hindus have been accused under various provisions on offences related to religion since 1987." (Executive summary, page 10)
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"Afghan journalists face threats from all sides: government officials exploiting weak legal protections to intimidate reporters and editors to compel them not to cover controversial topics; the Taliban and other insurgent groups using threats and violence to compel reporting they consider favorable;
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and police and justice officials letting threats, assaults, and even murders go uninvestigated and unprosecuted. Most of the threats come from individuals acting on behalf of powerful government officials or influential local actors, including militia leaders and so-called warlords. Violent attacks on journalists that go uninvestigated and unpunished reflect wider impunity and failure to establish the rule of law in Afghanistan. Afghan journalists often respond to the dangers with self-censorship. Many steer clear of reporting on sensitive issues—including corruption, land grabbing, violence against women, and human rights abuses—as a means to minimize safety risks. Kabul-based editors often avoid assigning stories that could put their reporters at significant risk. Editors and journalists told Human Rights Watch that self-censorship has become a survival mechanism for them. Those outside of the country’s main cities are especially vulnerable to reprisals from powerful individuals and groups because they are more exposed: they lack the protection provided by a larger Afghan media and international presence. The cultural and social conservatism of the provinces also contributes to the difficulty of reporting on controversial issues outside of the capital. The Taliban and other insurgent groups remain a potent source of intimidation and violence against journalists and media outlets. When the insurgency first emerged in 2002, journalists were among its early targets because the insurgents treated journalists as extensions of the Afghan government or Western military forces. However, in recent years, the Taliban and other insurgent groups have used the media as a propaganda platform, and actively court the press in their campaign against the government, including by pressuring reporters to cover their statements or not write articles deemed critical, sometimes with threats of violence. Female journalists in Afghanistan face particularly formidable challenges. In addition to the dangers facing all journalists, they must contend with social and cultural restrictions arising from being Afghan women in the workplace, which limit their mobility in urban as well as rural areas, and increase their vulnerability to sexual violence." (Summary, page 1-2)
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"This is a book about free speech narratives. Stories about how imagination and rational thinking in wildly different cultures capture, imagine, and conceptualize what freedom of speech means. 1989 and 2011 are only two recent (in historic perspective) turning points when freedom of speech and freed
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om of the press emerged, or at least powerful efforts were made to support its emergence, although disheartening backlashes followed in several countries. This book also tells many other free speech narratives that emerged, or evolved outside the frames of 1989 and 2011, also with several troublesome repercussions. The fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the year of largely velvet revolutions (in the words of Vaclav Havel), brought freedom of speech to Central Europe and Eastern Europe. It also increased the hope that freedom of speech and democracy can prevail in more and more countries on the earth. This book examines, in some historic perspective, to what extent this hope has become reality since and prior to 1989, also in light of the Arab revolutions of 2011." (Introduction, page 1)
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"The year under review in this report (May 2014 to April 2015) shows that journalists and media workers remain victims and, too often, targets in the deadly power struggles on which that they report. Within this time period, 14 journalists lost their lives, mostly in targeted attacks. Pakistan was t
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he world’s most deadly country for journalists, while Afghanistan experienced heightened levels of violence and a spike in journalist killings leading up to and after the country’s protracted presidential election. Bangladesh has also carved a bloody name as a deadly arena for journalists, particularly for those operating in the online space. The year witnessed a rise in religious extremists in Bangladesh brutally murdering and targeting journalists and bloggers in their homes and on the street. The digital realm is the newest frontier of conflict for press freedom but it also presents tremendous opportunities for informing, connecting with audiences and in harnessing regional solidarity and action. This report explores some of the battles won, such as the concerted campaign and victory that rid India of the of the controversial Section 66A of the Information Technology (IT) Act, and some of the mighty battles ahead to stop new laws and censorship that inhibit the flow of information." (Foreword, page 3-4)
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"This report documents attacks against journalists and the offices and facilities of media outlets since the 2011 uprising, including threats, assaults, kidnappings, and killings and addresses the failure of the government to protect journalists and the media, and hold perpetrators of attacks on the
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m accountable. Human Rights Watch is not aware of a single instance in which officials prosecuted a perpetrator of an attack against a journalist or media outlet since 2011. The report also documents criminal prosecutions of journalists for defamation and libel, on the basis of problematic laws that continue to unduly restrict freedom of expression." (Summary)
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