"This study of the impact of digitization on Polish media highlights the delays in digitization caused by political infighting; the lack of technical and financial assistance to ensure that the most vulnerable members of society benefit from digitization and new media; and the funding crisis afflict
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ing public broadcasting. The political and economic position of the public broadcaster is critical in the digitization of broadcasting in Poland, both because of its continued—albeit diminishing—role in the media market, and because of its extensive involvement in the preparations for the switch-over. The authors of this report assess that the initiatives to inform the public about how digitization will affect them have been insufficient. Appropriate provisions should swiftly be put in place. Other major recommendations include a revision of spectrum allocation criteria to improve access for those “third way” broadcasters such as religious, educational, civil society or local government outlets, and the need for a durable solution to the public broadcasting funding crisis." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"The United Nations pointed out in 2010 that more Indians have access to a mobile phone than to a toilet. There are over 800 million mobile connections, although the number of unique users (excluding inactive connections) is estimated at around 600 million. Together with the fact that 60 percent of
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all households have cable and satellite television, providing access to many of the 700-plus television channels licensed to broadcast, it becomes clear that in garrulous India, mass poverty and marginalization do not result in a perfect “digital divide.” This, together with the fact that the public broadcaster’s prime terrestrial channel, DD National, covers about 92 percent of the 1.2 billion-plus population, clearly suggests that the users of digital technologies in India include many of the 300 million still below the official poverty line. In the case of the digital switchover, it is broadly in this area of public interest that most attention needs to be focused, whether it be in the area of greater accountability and autonomy of the state broadcaster, the governance of private media infrastructure, transparency and equity in licensing criteria and in mechanisms of allocating resources, and compliance with global standards of professional journalism. These values will go some way toward giving India a plurality of voices and media outlets that would properly reflect what may be the most diverse social and political landscape on the planet." (Open Society Foundations website)
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"An in-depth account of EU policies in the area of public service broadcasting, focusing mainly on the application of the European State aid rules. The book discusses when, how and with what impact the European Commission deals with public service broadcasting." (Publisher description)
"Chapter 1 describes the current, critical situation public media finds itself in, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Twenty years after the regime changes, the current trend in media politics can be best described as a “counter-reformation” rather than a progressive transition. Many publ
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ic media organisations are further away from stable and sound operation than ever, some of them teetering continuously on the brink of collapse. In a mix of cause and effect, this dire situation manifests itself in lack of funding, dearth of status among the public, a creative brain drain and waning program quality, quantity and variety. At the same time, the whole media sector comes under increasing economic pressure that is fuelled by the impact of both digitalisation and a concurrent world financial crisis. In chapter 2 the remit of public media is discussed, with a special emphasis on scrutinising the thesis of universal objectives versus the necessity to provide an acceptable level of programming diversity. Chapter 3 contains the three constitutional pillars of media regulation as identifi ed by the authors: governance, funding and access. The suggestion being that the malfunctioning of just one of these three elements would cause the disintegration of the whole system." (Page 8)
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"The explosion of digital media and their impact on journalism and democracy in Lithuania coincided with the country's second decade of independence and with the economic crisis of 2009-2010. With the rapid growth of internet penetration, websites dedicated to news appeared and traditional media wen
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t online. The near-doubling of internet subscriptions from 34.3 percent of the population in 2005 to 60.5 percent in 2010 was accompanied by dynamic growth in ownership of PCs, laptops, mobile phones, and later smart phones. The internet took on an increasing role as a news source for the public, especially younger audiences. Formerly marginalized groups, such as ethnic and sexual minorities, have gained a platform on the internet which they were almost entirely denied in mainstream media. Also, politicians have taken up communicating through new media; some have begun blogging, while others are active on social networks. Government transparency and civic engagement in politics have been enhanced by a range of online tools and initiatives by civil society groups which let voters access and analyze government data, and occasionally generate mainstream media coverage. However, there are no separate regulations or legal liability provisions concerning internet content that differ from those which apply to other media. Media regulation is in practice independent from government, but the regulators are lax in exercising their powers, e.g. to enforce ownership transparency rules. A weakness of the regulatory system is its dispersion among several bodies which don’t always coordinate among themselves. Their composition raises questions about competence and impartiality. This report calls for the creation of a single regulatory body with robust appointment criteria as well as for clear and transparent rules for allocating EU funds to the media. It recommends that the government introduce legislation restricting media concentration and intensify efforts to ensure universal public access to media after switch-over." (Open Society website)
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"Serbia has a strategy for switching over from analog to digital broadcasting, prepared with broad public consultation. The basic legal framework is in place, but implementation is not yet underway. Moreover, if fair access to digital licenses is to be ensured, a new media law—harmonized with the
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EU’s Audiovisual Media Services Directive—is still needed. Broadband internet has had by far the most significant growth among the available distribution platforms over the past five years. More than 23 percent of Serbian households had an internet connection at the end of 2009—more than doubling the number of such connections just four years earlier.The internet as a platform for activism is rapidly expanding, with the number of petitions, initiatives, and debates online growing considerably. The internet has also led to more diversity and to a plurality of voices in political life. All that said, Serbia remains a television nation, with almost all households owning a TV set and three quarters of the population still using television as their main source of information. Serbia’s private media sector continues to be plagued by opaque ownership structures, with the owners of various media hiding behind off shore–registered businesses. Additionally, there is no publicly available register of media owners. Without mechanisms to render media ownership transparent, Serbia’s media sector will not achieve its potential for independence and diversity." (Website Open Society Foundation, 19.12.2011)
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"In Moldova, the combination of digitization and political change has increased the diversity of media outlets and their news, the plurality of opinions, and the transparency of public institutions, while it has diminished political interference in the media.Yet the lack of independence of regulator
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y institutions, the nontransparent media ownership structure, and the slow pace of digital switch-over continue to undermine these achievements. In order to reinforce positive change, this report proposes four kinds of reform. Firstly, the legal framework for digital switch-over must be completed in the near future if the country is to be ready for the transition before the switch-off date. The provisions for public interest, access, and affordability should be given priority and, for this purpose, participation of civil society groups in the drafting process is vital. This framework will also speed up the adoption of the new Broadcasting Code, a historic document that will end the era of non-transparent media ownership, the second area that needs urgent reform. Thirdly, with public awareness of the purpose and implications of switch-over virtually nonexistent, an information campaign and public debate on the issue need to start without delay. Finally, the independence of two key institutions, the Broadcasting Coordinating Council and the PSB, needs to be strengthened. In both cases, this can be done by changing funding models and adopting clearer regulatory safeguards against government interference." (Publisher description)
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"[...] La mayoría de los asuntos que se a bordan en este libro han podido afectar a la gran mayoría de los probables lectores, sin embargo la mayoría de ellos no se detuvieron a analizarlos. Esta obra pretende obligarnos a parar un instante y pensar sobre diversas cuestiones relacionadas con los
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medios de comunicación pero que, casualmente, no suelen ser abordadas por esos mismos medios. Entre los asuntos que abordamos aquí encontraremos un análisis de la crisis económica que incluye el papel de los medios de comunicación, que no solo han sido meros notarios de los acontecimientos. También debemos descifrar de qué forma el periodismo condiciona la política y la transforma en función de sus intereses. Hace ocho años se presentaron los denominados Observatorios de medios con el objetivo de que la ciudadanía pudiese supervisar la calidad de la información que recibía. Es hora de hacer balance de esa situación. La llegada de Intemet no solo ha revolucionado la forma de operar del periodismo, sino también la de organizarnos y movilizarnos. Esta misma red ha permitido una eclosión del periodismo alternativo que debe convivir y crear sinergias con los movimientos sociales. De todo ello trata este libro. Existen antiguos debates que hay que retomar al hilo de la coyuntura actual. Nos referimos al referente a la objetividad y el compromiso del periodista; y al de medios públicos/medios privados. Se trata de dos cuestiones que, como decíamos al principio, han sido esculpidas en el imaginario actual por el modelo de pensamiento dominante que ha logrado estigmatizar el compromiso del profesional para ensalzar una objetividad que no existe. Al mismo tiempo, ha acuñado privado como independiente y público como partidista. Se trata de prejuicios que debemos revisar. Por último, una mirada a la región que en estos momentos levanta más esperanzas y lidera el mayor debate en torno a los medios de comunicación y el periodismo: América Latina ." (Introducción, página 7-8)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government "privately" owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"Divisive debates on what constitutes the Ethiopian nation, how the state should be structured and how power should be devolved, have dominated Ethiopia’s private press since the ruling party, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), came to power. The press has served as both
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a mirror reflecting these issues and a space for literate elites to engage in political debates. This article analyses the role of the media, and the press in particular, in Ethiopia’s political debates. It also explores how the tenets of ‘‘Revolutionary Democracy’’ have shaped the media. This has polarized Ethiopia’s media, which has been unable to effectively serve as a forum for the negotiation of political power or for reconciliation between divided sectors of society." (Abstract)
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