"The Recommendation on Information Integrity was adopted by the OECD Council on 17 December 2024 on the proposal of the Public Governance Committee (PGC). The Recommendation aims to establish a wide-ranging and applicable policy framework for Adherents to address threats posed by information manipul
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ation and to put in place measures that promote information integrity in line with the universal human rights of freedom of opinion and expression." (Page 3)
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"This report offers a high-level, evidence-informed guide to some of the major proposals for how democratic governments, platforms, and others can counter disinformation. It distills core insights from empirical research and real-world data on ten diverse kinds of policy interventions, including fac
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t-checking, foreign sanctions, algorithmic adjustments, and counter-messaging campaigns. For each case study, we aim to give policymakers an informed sense of the prospects for success—bridging the gap between the mostly meager scientific understanding and the perceived need to act. This means answering three core questions: How much is known about an intervention? How effective does the intervention seem, given current knowledge? And how easy is it to implement at scale?" (Summary, page 1)
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"Rather than selling authoritarianism as such, authoritarian narratives focus on themes that have popular appeal—while attributing a wide range of visceral grievances to the shortcomings of democracy. Authoritarian narratives fall into four broad categories: 1. Noninterference, Choice, and Threats
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to Sovereignty: Narrative attempts to invoke universal themes such as sovereignty, noninterference, and choice which are presented as under threat from the spread of democracy. 2. Exploiting Grievances in the Global South: Tactics designed to attribute the numerous grievances in the Global South to exploitation by the West. 3. Democracies Failing to Deliver: A narrative that takes aim at the efficacy of democracy and, by implication, amplifies the ill-informed narratives about effectiveness of authoritarian governance. 4. Need for a New World Order: Collectively, the claims of Western interference, exploitation, and governance failures are intended to generate disillusionment with democracy and receptiveness to nondemocratic rule. Autocrats use a variety of channels to disseminate these preferred narratives at scale. The four following methods are particularly noteworthy: 1. Social Media: Authoritarians have taken advantage of the enormous—and still growing—social media sphere to promote narratives legitimizing autocracy. They exploit many users’ limited digital literacy skills through information influence campaigns and the employment of bots and online “troll farms” to peddle their preferred worldview. 2. State Broadcasters: Authoritarian actors also disseminate narratives through state media like RT, Sputnik, Xinhua, and China Global Television Network (CGTN). These outlets have the tone and imprimatur of an official news service, giving them a veneer of credibility that expands their reach. 3. Partnerships with Local Media: Authoritarian state-backed outlets aim to embed their content within national information environments. By disseminating preferred narratives through local media outlets and training foreign journalists, authoritarian actors are able to propagate norms of state control over the public information sphere. 4. Foreign Media Cooptation: Finally, authoritarian states are forging partnerships with other state broadcasters. These relationships have the indirect effect of incentivizing self-censorship and enable the intimidation of journalists and activists who criticize authoritarian leadership." (Executive summary, page 1-.2)
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"Echando mano de ejemplos de buenas prácticas y de casos de proyectos especializados que se ubican en la primera línea contra la desinformación, esta guía propone una conversación, necesaria y urgente, a partir de una selección de lo sucedido en la edición 2023 de la Cumbre Global sobre Desin
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formación, en la que se presentaron ponencias, análisis y rondas de proyectos que dejaron pistas sobre cómo encarar este desafío." (Página 5)
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"Through an online field experiment, we test traditional and novel counter-misinformation strategies among fringe communities. Though generally effective, traditional strategies have not been tested in fringe communities, and do not address the online infrastructure of misinformation sources support
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ing such consumption. Instead, we propose to activate source criticism by exposing sources’ unreliability. Based on a snowball sampling of German fringe communities on Facebook, we test if debunking and source exposure reduce groups’ consumption levels of two popular misinformation sources. Results support a proactively engaging counter-misinformation approach to reduce consumption of misinformation sources." (Abstract)
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"Disinformation is spread in every part of the world. In this comparative report, we analyse similarities and differences based on a 6-part international research series commissioned and supported by the Upgrade Democracy team between 2023-2024 under the theme “strengthening democracy, countering
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disinformation.” We compare the varying information ecosystems; the perpetrators of disinformation and the topics they exploit; protagonists in dealing with disinformation; and the role of state institutions and technological developments in this field. Our analysis shows, among other things, the ambivalent role of governments, which in some regions support the resilience of information ecosystems and in others disseminate disinformation themselves. We also refer to the influence of artificial intelligence on elections, the role of zero-rating and a growing business model for disinformation campaigns. Against this backdrop, we emphasise the importance of a strong civil society and robust regulation of digital platforms that strengthens transparency, openness, and inclusion." (Publisher description)
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"Hate is widespread online, hits everyone, and carries negative consequences. Crowd moderation—user-assisted moderation through, e. g., reporting or counter-speech—is heralded as a potential remedy. We explore this potential by linking insights on online bystander interventions to the analogy of
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crowd moderation as a (lost) public good. We argue that the distribution of costs and benefits of engaging in crowd moderation forecasts a collective action problem. If the individual crowd member has limited incentive to react when witnessing hate, crowd moderation is unlikely to manifest. We explore this argument empirically, investigatingseveral preregistered hypotheses about the distribution of individual-level costs and benefits of response options to online hate using a large, nationally representative survey of Danish social mediausers (N = 24,996). In line with expectations, we find that bystander reactions, especially costly reactions, are rare. Furthermore, we find a positive correlation between exposure to online hate and withdrawal motivations, and a negative (n-shaped) correlation with bystander reactions." (Abstract)
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"This report examines political communication and media trust in the age of generative artificial intelligence systems (AI). Firstly, it provides a brief explainer of generative AI tools and techniques, looking separately at systems that generate text and those that generate or manipulate images, vi
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deos and audio. By reference to real-world examples, the paper then surveys the ways in which generative AI systems have recently been used by political actors, distinguishing between three different use-cases: political campaigning, entertainment and disinformation campaigns. Building on this empirical analysis, the paper distils important insights for policymakers, which highlight the need to: refrain from falsely labelling content as AI-generated to avoid overstating the technical capabilities and persuasive power of those spreading disinformation; acknowledge the multimodality of threats posed by generative AI, in particular voice-generation; delimit fair-use cases of generative AI for political campaigning, given these technologies are already widely used for legitimate political communication purposes; raise awareness of how seemingly non-political uses of generative AI can be exploited for politics, in particular the creation of non-consensual intimate content. This is followed by an evaluation of emerging technical and policy solutions, namely the detection and labelling of deepfakes as well as the development of systems to certify content authenticity and provenance. The section concludes with a discussion of the emerging legal landscape, including the European Union’s AI Act." (Executive summary)
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"El rápido avance de la inteligencia artificial y las tecnologías de clonación de voz harán que saber cuándo un audio es real y cuándo es falso sea cada vez más complicado. Y con ello, la manipulación de audio utilizada para fines maliciosos, amenaza con poner en peligro la integridad de inf
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ormaciones clave para el ciudadano [...] VerificAudio es la herramienta de Inteligencia Artificial de Prisa para combatir la desinformación en los contenidos sonoros, una amenaza en ascenso propiciada por el avance de las últimas tecnologías generativas. Estas tecnologías se encuentran a la orden del día, en especial, este año en el que 73 países -casi la mitad de la población mundial- celebrarán comicios cruciales para el panorama internacional. VerificAudio combina técnicas de verificación periodística y modelos de inteligencia artificial avanzados para detectar y analizar la fiabilidad de archivos sonoros con contenido informativo." (Introduction)
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"Content moderation algorithms influence how users understand and engage with social media platforms. However, when identifying hate speech, these automated systems often contain biases that can silence or further harm marginalized users. Recently, scholars have offered both restorative and transfor
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mative justice frameworks as alternative approaches to platform governance to mitigate harms caused to marginalized users. As a complement to these recent calls, in this essay, I take up the concept of reparation as one substantive approach social media platforms can use alongside and within these justice frameworks to take actionable steps toward addressing, undoing and proactively preventing the harm caused by algorithmic content moderation. Specifically, I draw on established legal and legislative reparations frameworks to suggest how social media platforms can reconceptualize algorithmic content moderation in ways that decrease harm to marginalized users when identifying hate speech. I argue that the concept of reparations can reorient how researchers and corporate social media platforms approach content moderation, away from capitalist impulses and efficiency and toward a framework that prioritizes creating an environment where individuals from marginalized communities feel safe, protected and empowered." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the counter-violent extremism and anti-terrorism measures in Australia, China, France, the United Kingdom and the United States by investigating how governments leveraged internet intermediaries as their surrogate censors. Particular attention is paid to how political rhetoric l
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ed to legislation passed or proposed in each of the countries studied, and their respective restrictive measures are compared against the recommendations specified by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression. A typology for international comparison is proposed, which provides further insights into a country’s policy focus." (Abstract)
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