"En el primer capítulo se expone cómo se están dando las dinámicas de participación ciudadana en la TV abierta. El segundo capítulo ahonda en la caracterización de los controlantes de los operadores de TV abierta. El tercer capítulo expone las tendencias en materia de pluralismo de los progr
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amas informativos y de opinión y el cuarto capítulo presenta los hallazgos obtenidos con la aplicación del instrumento para determinar tipologías, factores y niveles de riesgo, tanto en el pluralismo informativo como en la independencia de los medios, que fue desarrollado mediante talleres focales y acompañamiento del equipo consultor, en los cuales participaron expertos, académicos y periodistas, además de miembros de la autoridad regulatoria." (Introducción, página 4)
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"This article examines the connection between political parties’ perceptions of the importance of news media as source of political information, and the extent to which they adapt their communications to the standards, routines, formats and logic of the news media in Cameroon. This, with the objec
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tive of being attractive to the news media and gain coverage. The contextual focus of the study is the 2018 presidential election campaign in Cameroon. Theoretically, the study is guided by the mediatization of politics hypothesis. Empirically, it utilizes in-depth interviews with spokespersons of political parties which presented candidates to the election. The findings show that most parties cared very little about adapting their campaign communications to the news media logic, because they believe the news media in Cameroon have a negligible significance for election performance. Instead, political parties largely focalized their strategies on oral face-to-face rallies and door-to-door canvassing, which they perceive as more effective and efficient for reaching the electorate." (Abstract)
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"Während in Russland immer mehr unabhängige Medien der staatlichen Kontrolle unterworfen und als „ausländische Agenten“ gebrandmarkt werden, nutzen die russischen Staatsmedien die Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit in Deutschland, um ungehindert Desinformation zu verbreiten. Nach acht Jahren Berich
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terstattung von RT DE und Sputnik/SNA ist ein kritischer Punkt erreicht, auf den die Verantwortlichen für Medien reagieren sollten. Während der Corona-Krise ist mehr als deutlich geworden, dass RT und SNA eine politische Agenda verfolgen, die darin besteht, das „System“ und damit die Demokratie in Deutschland anzugreifen und die autoritäre Herrschaft in Russland als bessere Alternative zu propagieren. Schon im März 2020 warnte das Innenministerium, dass RT Deutsch „die öffentliche Sicherheit und Ordnung“ durch „gezielten Falschmeldungen“ bedrohe [...] Die russischen Staatsmedien – insbesondere in Russland – schaffen ein Feindbild „Westen“, mit dem sie die Menschen nicht nur in Russland, sondern auch in den westlichen Staaten verunsichern oder zum Widerstand mobilisieren. Das Schüren von Ängsten vor einem Krieg und die überzogene Darstellung vom dekadenten, gottlosen Westen sind dabei zwei zentrale Narrative. Dieses Feindbild wird seit Frühjahr 2021 vor allem mit den Grünen in Verbindung gebracht, die angeblich kriegerische Absichten gegenüber Russland verfolgen und dem Klimaschutz als „neuer Religion“ frönen. Die Berichterstattung zu den Bundestagswahlen hat gezeigt, dass das erste Ziel war, eine Grüne im Kanzleramt zu verhindern. Gegen Annalena Baerbock wurden unbelegte Vorwürfe wie nationalsozialistisches Gedankengut erhoben, um sie zu diskreditieren." (Fazit, Seite 24)
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"The study revealed the macro and micro media threats that come to light in the digital and physical media environments prior to and following elections. The media environment observed during the 2021 self-government elections was representative of the reality seen through the eyes of media workers,
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and it was revealed that, compared to previous years, the media environment has changed for the worse. The study confirmed that political polarization and public crises have a negative impact on the media environment and the safety of journalists in Georgia, while changes in the political landscape can have a positive impact on the media environment. It has also been demonstrated that the media themselves can reduce or enhance the effects of polarization.
The study confirmed that media threats in Georgia increase self-censorship and fear, reduce media credibility and weaken the viability of the media institution. The study revealed an additional effect of political polarization, a new tactic to combat critical media: “Use the media themselves against the journalists”, which leads to media polarization in itself, inciting conflict between journalists and exposing this macro-threat across the media field. In this regard, polarization in Georgia is an obstacle to solidarity. On the other hand, polarization has a so-called demonizing effect that can be manifested through the stigmatization of journalists by politicians, political labelling, and demolition of credibility, which ultimately harms the media.
The research confirmed that the ruling political force in Georgia uses all the components and mechanisms required to create and strengthen self-censorship of journalists. These mechanisms are: fear, impunity for crime, ridicule, discrediting, insecurity, dissemination of misinformation, etc. Enhancing journalists' self-censorship creates an invisible field of censorship in newsrooms when, for security reasons, the journalist is forced to avoid covering specific topics, sources, or facts. Critical questions are replaced by silence." (Conclusion, pages 51-52)
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"This handbook explains how internet shutdowns undermine democractic elections and provides tips and recommendations for key actors to navigate shutdowns and understand and assess the extent to which an election taking place under a shutdown is free and fair. It is aimed at election observers, peopl
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e on diplomatic missions, journalists, and human rights activists in particular." (Introduction)
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"Television is an important political tool in Latin America. In recognition of its ability to shape public opinion and influence political behavior, Brazilian electoral authorities provide political parties with free television airtime in the weeks preceding elections. While Brazil’s publicly fina
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nced electoral program levels the playing field between parties, it may contribute to intraparty resource disparities. This article contends that racial considerations influence how party elites distribute television airtime and thus contribute to the political marginalization of Afro-Brazilians. Using original data from Rio de Janeiro’s 2012 municipal elections, it shows that party officials provide Afro-Brazilian candidates significantly less airtime than their white counterparts, even after controlling for theoretically important nonracial candidate characteristics. Moreover, it shows that there are racial differences in how candidates use the airtime they are awarded. Afro-Brazilian candidates are nearly ten times more likely than whites to focus on racial issues in their campaign ads. These results provide new insight about why Afro-Brazilians are rarely elected to public office and, when elected, the types of issues they may address." (Introduction)
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"This article analyses how the political right in parts of the Global South has appropriate agendas and issues that in the past were often associated to the political left and presented them instead as their own. It does so by articulating narratives around poverty and social exclusion in the contex
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t of anti-globalisation and nationalistic discursive regimes that appeal to popular ‘common sense’. The piece explores this argument by examining the case of Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. Reviewing a sample of Brazilian news media outlets and the type of messages in relation to poverty during the most recent presidential elections, it is suggested that by linking themes of social exclusion with nationalism in the news media, the political right has been able to explain poverty by means of increasing globalisation and liberalism and co-opt this agenda." (Abstract)
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"Los artículos reunidos en esta publicación estudian los procesos electorales a partir de conceptos como enmarcamiento, polarización, cultura política, prominencia o deliberación, que hacen que la reflexión sea menos coyuntural y comprenda procesos de más largo aliento, con una pluralidad met
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odológica necesaria para un campo tan vasto y retador: análisis de noticias, redes sociales, estrategias políticas digitales y monitoreo de medios. En suma, este libro es una referencia esencial para pensar la política en el nuevo escenario tecnológico." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"In this research, we found that:
1. The media tend to play safe during the 2019 presidential election. When addressing certain issues, the media rarely provided their own in-depth analysis based on certain values. They let the public decide by itself by bring debates and use comments from prominent
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figures or expert to avoid a certain stance on their coverage. In this regard, online media tend to provide superficial coverage, while printed media offer more in-depth coverage.
2. The media fully aware of the threat of hoax and tend to be cautious in dealing with sensitive issues related to religious intolerance. This happens because there is a growing concern among the media regarding the impact of irresponsible and inaccurate news coverage which they believe might potentially harmful to democracy and society in general.
3. Thus, in response to the hoax, the media has been actively contributing and participating in the fact-checking process by applying certain fact-checking mechanism in their own media organization. Despite the massive spread of hoax, this mechanism helps the public find the truth while proving that the media is still reliable as a credible source of information.
4. Media referred to their fundamental value when carrying out work/coverage. However, the degree of importance of value and its application on their work varied among the media. This strategy applied as a means of survival in a competitive media market in order to protect media stance both politically as well as their economic interest." (Conclusion, page 45)
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"Le discours politique de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante révèle des informations inédites qui décrivent les intérêts conflictuels que cette institution gère. La CENI, admise parmi les structures d’interaction entre l’État et le peuple, évolue dans un contexte où les
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normes universelles de la démocratie électorale lui assignent une position de neutralité (qui correspond à sa vraie mission) pendant que, sur le terrain, elle doit se construire un positionnement qui combine les visées contradictoires imposées par les différents partenaires et les acteurs qui contribuent au financement et à la réussite du processus électoral." (Dos de couverture)
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"The first section of the chapter provides a brief overview of the legal framework that defines the concept of media space, with a specific focus on election day. Regulations included constraints on journalists' ability to cover the elections, which affected their access to polling stations. The sec
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ond section presents two very different -and often diametrically opposed - views held by the Union Election Commission (UEC) leadership and private media representatives. The root causes of the deeply entrenched mistrust that I observed will be placed in the context of recent private media expansion in the country following the lifting of pre-publication censorship. This includes very different institutional cultures, fundamental disagreements about the role of private media, and diverging political preferences. As a result of the mistrust, there were numerous missed opportunities that could have improved communication among key stakeholders and, in turn, increased awareness about the voting process among the general public. That being said, on election day, media played a fundamental role in legitimizing the vote and enabling a wider acceptance of the results." (Page 252)
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"Cet ouvrage donne les détails les plus précis sur la campagne menée par les principaux candidats à l'élection présidentielle 2018 au Congo. Ils ont été suivis chacun de très près, au jour le jour : Fayulu, Kamerhe, Shadary, Tshisekedi. Pendant 50 + 20 jours, leurs actes publics, leurs pro
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pos politiques ainsi que leurs apparitions dans l'univers internet ont été notés avec minutie. Ce livre offre la possibilité de revivre l'éclat du climat général de ces élections, avec ses épisodes de grave incertitude ou de vive animosité." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Disinformation existed in the past, but the growing ubiquity of social media grants political actors increasing capacity to spread dangerous rhetoric and imagery in their pursuit of power. Incendiary content has the potential to catalyze mob violence, riots, and vigilantes taking the law into their
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own hands. Disinformation and fostered distrust in legitimate news sources can lead to threats and violence against journalists, further undermining the institutions that could provide accurate information. In the cases we discuss here—the U.S.-Mexico border, India and Sri Lanka, and three Latin American 2018 elections—disinformation inflamed existing cleavages and caused violence. While these illustrative cases are spread across the world, and the violence in each place is related to distinct histories, close analysis highlights five common challenges for addressing disinformation in areas vulnerable to violence. These common challenges include: • The growing ubiquity of social media, usually combined with low trust in traditional forms of media, creating a situation in which disinformation can spread quickly. • Low or declining trust in government institutions, causing a rise in vigilantism—which social media encourages and fuels. • Low levels of media literacy, and sometimes also low levels of general literacy, among perpetrators who do not have consistent access to formal school systems. • No transparency in social media company policies, making it difficult to evaluate and improve upon content moderation policies that could quell or spur violence. • Finally, government actors that could legislate change have an interest using disinformation to their own ends." (Page 2)
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"Auf Glaubwürdigkeit und Vertrauen, auch auf die Allgemeingültigkeit grundlegender und verbindlicher Wertvorstellungen, gründet sich allerdings das Zusammenleben in der menschlichen Gesellschaft. Wo verbreitet Misstrauen herrscht, ist ein konstruktives Miteinander kaum noch möglich. Wenn Misstra
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uen sogar absichtlich geschürt wird, um zu polarisieren, gefährdet dies unsere Demokratie. Öffentliche Debatten werden in vielen Fällen aggressiver, falsche Aussagen verbreiten sich schneller denn je. Den klugen Umgang mit Informationen muss man lernen, möglichst schon in der Schule. Insofern ist Glaubwürdigkeit auch bedeutsam für die politische Bildung. Über ein so kontroverses Thema muss man mit überzeugenden Argumenten auf der Grundlage nachprüfbarer Informationen sprechen und auch streiten, um sich eine Meinung zu bilden. Dazu will dieser Band beitragen. Die Schwierigkeit – oder eher Kunst – bei einem so breit angelegten Thema liegt in der Beschränkung. Nach reiflicher Überlegung haben wir uns entschieden, „Glaubwürdigkeit“ in den drei gesellschaftlichen Feldern „Politik“, „Medien“ und „Gesellschaft“ aus verschiedenen Perspektiven zu beleuchten." (Editorial, Seite 8)
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