"Im ersten Teil geben wir einen Überblick über den Einsatz von generativer KI in der politischen Kampagnenkommunikation. Insbesondere die generativen KI-Tools ChatGPT und Midjourney werden zunehmend in politischen Kampagnen eingesetzt, um menschenähnliche Texte beziehungsweise fotorealistische Bi
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lder zu erstellen [...] Der zweite Teil liefert ein umfassendes Bild von den Einstellungen der deutschen Bevölkerung zum Einsatz von generativer KI in politischen Kampagnen. Dafür haben wir eine repräsentative Online-Befragung von knapp 2.000 Teilnehmenden durchgeführt und Menschen zu ihrem KI-Wissen und ihren Einschätzungen zur KI-Nutzung in der Politik befragt [...] Im dritten Teil der Studie untersuchen wir, inwieweit KI-generierte Botschaften in politischen Kampagnen von Bürger*innen erkannt und wahrgenommen werden, aber auch wie sie ihre Einstellungen hinsichtlich des politischen Einsatzes von generativer KI beeinflussen. Dafür haben wir ein Online-Experiment mit ebenfalls rund 2.000 neuen Teilnehmenden durchgeführt." (Einleitung, Seiten 7-8)
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"Discussions of data-driven campaigning have gained increased prominence in recent years. Often associated with the practices of Cambridge Analytica and linked to debates about the health of modern democracy, scholars have devoted considerable attention to the rise of data-driven politics. However,
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most studies to date have focused solely on practice in the US, and few scholars have made efforts to define the precise meaning of ‘data-driven campaigning’. With growing recognition that data-driven campaigning can take different forms dependent on context and available resource, new questions have emerged as to exactly what features are indicative of this phenomena. In this piece we systematically review existing discussions of data-driven campaigning to unpack the components of this idea. Identifying areas of convergence and divergence in existing discussions of ‘data’, ‘driven’, and ‘campaigning’, we classify existing debate to highlight integral features and variable practices. This article accordingly provides the first comprehensive definition of datadriven campaigning, and aims to facilitate international study of this activity." (Abstract)
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"Neste texto, analisamos a trajetória eleitoral da deputada Cantora Mara Lima, procurando perceber como a candidata construiu seu carisma nas eleições estaduais paranaenses em 2014, 2018 e 2022, em sintonia com o projeto político da Assembleia de Deus (AD). Procedemos à coleta e sistematizaçã
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o de materiais publicados em suas mídias sociais, problematizando a instrumentalização de elementos simbólicos e performáticos para construir sua identidade, mimetizando sua “unção” gospel em capital político. Nesse movimento, a AD forneceu uma série de recursos institucionais por meio de um modelo de representação corporativa, propício para a dramatização político-religiosa e a formação do carisma da cantora, mobilizando os afetos do público-fiel. Observamos como a articulação entre a agência carismática da artista e a força da estrutura eclesiástica tem alcançado bons resultados nos pleitos analisados, em tempos de recrudescimento das polarizações e difusão de uma religião pública." (Resumo)
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"Falsehoods targeting political parties and candidates have long been entrenched in Brazilian politics and monitored by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE). Since the rise of the far right in Brazil, the TSE has itself become a disinformation target. This study aims to unveil disinformation that has
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been directed at the Brazilian electoral system since 2018 and explore the court’s responses. First, we quantitatively analyzed 420 verification articles from the TSE’s Fato ou Boato website to identify the falsehoods’ origins, targets, narratives, and deceptive strategies. Second, we conducted expert interviews and qualitatively examined official documents to explore counteraction strategies, particularly collaborations with fact-checkers. The findings indicate that disinformation primarily revolves around the alleged vulnerability of the electronic voting system (25%) and supposed illegal actions that have been committed by the TSE (15%). Supreme Federal Court ministers, notably Luís Barroso and Alexandre de Moraes, have become frequent targets. Assaults on the TSE surged from 15% (2018) to 27% (2022). Strengthened collaboration with fact-checkers enhances their societal recognition and significance in the Brazilian public sphere." (Abstract)
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"The “Georgian Elections Observatory (#GEObservatory24)” was a short-term initiative aimed at fact-checking pre-election narratives leading up to the parliamentary elections on October 26, 2024, together with a few immediate post-election analyses. Unlike traditional fact-checking platforms, thi
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s project analysed entire narratives, combining political analysis with media scrutiny to provide a compre hensive understanding of the pre-election discourse. The project was supported by the Swedish Fojo Media Institute, the Georgian Investigative Media Lab (IML), and the University of Georgia (UG) Security, Policy, and Nationalism Research Center (UGSPN). This Fojo Media Insight offers several critical lessons for journalism, particularly in covering elections and political narratives such as the importance of comprehensive narrative analysis, the role of historical context, the manipulation of fear and utilisation of conspiracy theories, the instrumentalisation of identity issues, such as religion and theories. The discussion on electoral legitimacy highlights the critical role of the media in ensuring transparent and fair elections. Finally, this working paper underscores the need for international collaboration in journalism." (Back cover)
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"Featuring contributions from global scholars, that represent both new and established voices on the African continent and the diaspora, this volume explores themes of decolonization, media freedom, media censorship, identity, representation, pluralism, media framing, political economy of the media
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with emphasis on ownership, market trends and transnational media operations in Africa. Contributors explore these and other topics across a variety of media tiers, types, genres and platforms. The book also features contributions from practicing journalists and media practitioners working in Africa, providing students with hands-on knowledge from the field. Chapters in this volume take an instructional approach with contributors engaging key concepts and related theories to explore the praxis of media in Africa through specific case studies." (Publisher description)
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"This paper analyzes how presidential candidates Fabricio Alvarado and Nayib Bukele used Facebook during the elections in Costa Rica (2018) and El Salvador (2019) respectively to develop a particular style of communication that blended populist elements and religious discourse. This style of communi
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cation extended traditional modes of populism that have prevailed in Latin America since the turn of the century (emphasizing the notion of the hero who comes to rescue “the people”) but expressed them in an explicitly religious way (stressing the role of a “messiah” who comes to alter the established political order). We conducted both content and multimodal discourse analyses of 838 posts made by these candidates on Facebook during their respective electoral campaigns. We argue that the study of these campaigns would be incomplete without accounting for the relationship between populism, religion, and social media. While populism gave political validity to religious discourse, a religious imaginary provided populism with charismatic and messianic authority. This populist/religious reason found an ideal expression in Facebook and, simultaneously, was resignified by this platform’s affordances. In this way, we assess how fundamentalist Christianity has become a legitimating force of knowledge and politics in the context of epistemic tensions that shape contemporary Latin-American societies." (Abstract)
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"The nature of elections has been transformed by the rise of digital technologies in the last few years, in large part due to the rise of social media platforms and their impact on election campaigning, dissemination of informationand opinion formation. Furthermore, digital technologies have been em
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ployed in the administration of elections, and are being adopted by electoral management bodies. This article seeks to understand these transformations in light of ongoing debates regarding the regulation of elections and digital technologies by positing an approach focused on international human rights frameworks." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of this report is to gain a better understanding of the pertinent dynamics and to bolster the design of programming to support the information ecosystem around elections. In aid of this, UNDP sought information through a number of channels, in a review of the relevant literature, a seri
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es of regional consultations, expert meetings and a survey [...] The various sources all conclude there remains no single panacea to the ills that information pollution brings upon elections. Rather, there is a variety of information pollution programming around elections, each with its own benefits and deficiencies. In order to support the design of a holistic information integrity strategy, this report suggests that programmes seek to address one or more of the following three concerns (1) prevention—to address the supply side of information pollution by preventing or deterring the creation of information pollution, (2) resilience—building public resilience to information pollution limiting the ability of users to be influenced or co-opted by information pollution and (3) countering—identifying and attempting to counter information pollution." (Summary, page 8-9)
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"Lebanon and Tunisia are two of the freest countries in the Middle East and North Africa, but elites in both countries seek to manipulate media organisations and individual journalists to shore up support for themselves and attack opponents. This book explores the political role of journalism in the
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se hybrid settings where democratic and authoritarian practices co-exist - a growing trend all over the world. Through interviews with journalists in different positions and analyses of key events in recent years, Journalism in the Grey Zone explains the tensions that media instrumentalisation creates in the news media and how journalists navigate conflicting pressures from powerholders and a marginalised populace. Despite 'capture' of the media by political and economic actors, journalism remains a powerful and occasionally disruptive force." (Publisher description)
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"We investigate how dominant media networks can manipulate voters in young democracies. During the first presidential election after the democratic transition in Brazil, TV Globo, the largest and most-watched network in the country, unexpectedly manipulated the news coverage of the last debate 2 day
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s before the decisive second round. In a video segment, Globo unfavorably depicted the left-wing candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Using the geographical distribution of broadcaster-specific TV signals and the timing of election events, we identify the effect of the manipulation net of the effect of the debate itself, showing that Globo’s misleading reporting caused Lula to lose millions of votes. Our results showcase how the media can reshape an election in a single stroke, especially where the media is concentrated and politically inexperienced voters have few other sources of information." (Abstract)
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"The actions to be developed are distributed in three axes: (i) Inform, aimed at the dissemination of official, reliable and quality information; (ii) Empower, aimed at media literacy and training the whole of society to understand the phenomenon of disinformation and the functioning of the electora
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l process; and (iii) Respond, related to the identification of cases of disinformation and the adoption of strategies, both preventive and repressive, to contain its negative effects. For the 2022 electoral cycle, the first axis has five projects with their own purposes and goals. They are: (i) mass dissemination network of truthful and official information about elections and the Electoral Justice; (ii) chatbot – electoral queries on WhatsApp; (iii) access, dissemination and enhancement of the scope of fact checking on the electoral process; (iv) deepening electoral transparency; (v) development and improvement of other technological tools and digital channels to disseminate true and quality information. In this strategic point, the Court’s action is guided by the preferential position of freedom of expression, in the legal system, by encouraging plurality of information. Likewise, information actions meet the recommendations for “prophylactic” prebunking actions (that is, strategies to reduce citizens’ susceptibility to disinformation by exposing examples of how disinformation operates). The second axis, in turn, includes seven initiatives: (i) training for internal and external audiences on disinformation, on the integrity of Brazilian elections and on the fundamentality of the Electoral Justice as an institution that guarantees democracy; (ii) prevention of the mental health of members, agents and collaborators of the Electoral Justice who deal directly with actions to contain disinformation; (iii) training the internal and external public on the electoral process, including the functions performed by it in the context of the democratic rule of Law; (iv) awareness campaigns on disinformation and media and information education actions for the external public; (v) cooperation and actions to enhance reaching partners’ media and information literacy initiatives; (vi) dialog with political parties and party federations to make them aware of their responsibility in the context of fighting against disinformation; (vii) support to other public institutions to implement actions to confronting disinformation. Finally, the response axis encompasses eight projects: (i) permanent coalition for verification; (ii) engagement of digital platforms and their technological resources in confronting structured networks of disinformation and inauthentic behavior; (iii) reporting channel for mass shooting of content in partnership with WhatsApp; (iv) creating a network to monitor disinformation practices against the electoral process; (v) containment of disinformation on Telegram; (vi) partnership and dialog with the Federal Police and the Electoral Prosecutor Office; (vii) Strategic Cyberintelligence Committee and (viii) review and elaboration of norms that acts against the practice of disinformation in the Electoral Justice, as a way of preventing the phenomenon in question. Concerning to this point, the planning met the parameters of timely response, appreciation of fact checking, importance of engagement and transparency of platforms, as well as the expansion and improvement of channels for complaints." (Presentation, page 5-6)
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"Como la desigualdad es una decisión política y no una fatalidad, este es el momento para preguntarse ¿qué piensan hacer nuestros próximos gobernantes para que haya menos pobreza y mayor acceso a oportunidades? ¿Cuáles fórmulas o herramientas desarrollarían para contribuir a que la cancha e
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sté menos inclinada a favor de algunos pocos y en contra de muchos? ¿Cómo garantizar que toda la ciudadanía tenga acceso a información sobre su entorno y participe en el debate público? ¿Qué tipo de iniciativas o estímulos plantean para que comunidades y grupos poblacionales tengan capacidad y resonancia a la hora de plantear de manera amplia las problemáticas que las aquejan?" (Página 7)
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"En el primer capítulo se expone cómo se están dando las dinámicas de participación ciudadana en la TV abierta. El segundo capítulo ahonda en la caracterización de los controlantes de los operadores de TV abierta. El tercer capítulo expone las tendencias en materia de pluralismo de los progr
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amas informativos y de opinión y el cuarto capítulo presenta los hallazgos obtenidos con la aplicación del instrumento para determinar tipologías, factores y niveles de riesgo, tanto en el pluralismo informativo como en la independencia de los medios, que fue desarrollado mediante talleres focales y acompañamiento del equipo consultor, en los cuales participaron expertos, académicos y periodistas, además de miembros de la autoridad regulatoria." (Introducción, página 4)
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