"Governments have updated penal codes and national security laws, enacted fake news and cybersecurity laws as well as laws that govern internet service providers and technology companies. These laws have widely been used to block and remove online content that call out blind spots in government poli
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cies and to intimidate and prosecute these content creators through hefty fines and jail time. Efforts to hold political office holders and government officials accountable for their policies are increasingly penalised. These government actions have significantly impacted civil society actors in numerous ways. First, individuals and organisations utilising the online sphere to hold government officials and policies accountable have come under intense scrutiny, resulting in the criminalisation of critics and the blocking and removal of online content deemed sensitive by state authorities. Second, the effectiveness of civil society in holding governments accountable is compromised, as state authorities routinely direct internet service providers and technology companies to block or remove online content considered sensitive or illegal. Consequently, individuals and organisations increasingly find their digital content at risk of being blocked or removed, succumbing to government directives to internet service providers and technology companies. This diminishes civil society’s calls for accountability. Third, on several instances, governments have imposed internet shutdowns - particularly during elections and politically sensitive periods - to disrupt the information flow. Ultimately, this has limited civil society’s ability to send and receive communications effectively to mobilise people to hold governments publicly accountable during politically important instances. Fourth, troll ng has surfaced as a mainstream strategy to harass and intimidate individuals and organisations who seek to hold governments accountable. Typically orchestrated by organised groups or cybertroopers, these digital attacks increasingly involve online hate speech directed at women who call out blindspots in government policies. Fifth, the ways of working of INGOs and CSOs have changed, leading many organisations to restrict the scope and assertiveness of their communications to shield themselves from government retribution and trolling. Some entities have opted to remove the visibility of their organisations, incorporating measures such as disallowing the use of their logos or the publishing of videos, photos and text by local partners in order to distance themselves from particular activities and contents of knowledge products. Given these developments, the principal recommendation is that key stakeholders, including international organisations, governments, ISPs and technology companies, and civil society actors, should recognise that criticism of government policies and officials is a legitimate activity and a vital form of expression for civil society. Hence, any measures, whether legal or non-legal, that interfere with or criminalise this legitimate activity should be rescinded or disallowed. Instead, measures should be put in place to ensure that civil society is empowered to call out the blind spots in government policies." (Executive summary)
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"Recent legislation on data linking national security and cybersecurity undermines the creation of a trustworthy data environment. Restrictions on information flows have immediate and medium-term costs to digital economic activity, which in turn have knock-on effects for the prospect of any subseque
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nt tax revenue. Extended economic instability is the main limiting factor for the growth of a digital society, but other limiting factors can be alleviated with mild targeted reform. A new policy agenda is required for the state to aid Zimbabweans to improve their life-chances, livelihoods and wellbeing with digital means. A policy framework to create enduring, affordable access through infrastructure extension and reliable connectivity can allow Zimbabweans to trade their goods and services online. These actions can help realise the principles of the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms and facilitate Zimbabweans innovating within the global digital economy." (Key points)
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"This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, examines risks that contemporary social media - focusing in particular on the most widely-used platforms - present for democracy, the rul
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e of law and fundamental rights. The study focuses on the governance of online content, provides an assessment of existing EU law and industry practices which address these risks, and evaluates potential opportunities and risks to fundamental rights and other democratic values." (Abstract)
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"Investigating the impact of digital technology on contemporary constitutionalism, this book offers an overview of the transformations that are currently occurring at constitutional level, highlighting their link with ongoing societal changes. It reconstructs the multiple ways in which constitutiona
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l law is reacting to these challenges and explores the role of one original response to this phenomenon: the emergence of Internet bills of rights. Over the past few years, a significant number of Internet bills of rights have emerged around the world. These documents represent non-legally binding declarations promoted mostly by individuals and civil society groups that articulate rights and principles for the digital society. This book argues that these initiatives reflect a change in the constitutional ecosystem. The transformations prompted by the digital revolution in our society ferment under a vault of constitutional norms shaped for 'analogue' communities. Constitutional law struggles to address all the challenges of the digital environment. In this context, Internet bills of rights, by emerging outside traditional institutional processes, represent a unique response to suggest new constitutional solutions for the digital age." (Publisher description)
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"1. Aus dem nationalen Verfassungsrecht ist ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ableitbar.
2. Aus dem europäischen Verfassungsrecht ist ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ableitbar.
3. Ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ergibt sich zwar nicht als solches aus den nationalen und europäischen verfassungsrechtlich
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en Gewährleistungen. Es kann aber aus der Zusammenschau verschiedener Grundrechte abgeleitet werden. Relevant sind die Grundrechtspositionen, die die digitale Datenverarbeitung und -übermittlung zum Gegenstand haben [...]
4. Bei einer Ableitung eines Rechts auf Verschlüsselung aus verschiedenen verfassungsrechtlichen Gewährleistungen auf nationaler und europäischer Ebene ergibt sich im chronologischen Kommunikationsablauf ein nahezu lückenloser Grundrechtsschutz [...]
5. Ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung besteht aus einer aktiven sowie aus einer passiven Dimension. Damit ist es nicht nur Abwehrrecht gegenüber staatlichem Handeln umfasst, sondern kann für den Staat auch (weit gefasste) Handlungspflichten auslösen, um der Umsetzung von Datenverschlüsselung als Methode zur Ausübung effektiven Grundrechtsschutzes gerecht zu werden." (Executive summary)
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"Drawing on cases from across the continent, contributors explore the form and nature of social media and government censorship, often via antisocial media laws, or less overt tactics such as state cybersurveillance, spyware attacks on social media activists, or the artful deployment of the rhetoric
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of "fake news" as a smokescreen to muzzle critical voices. The book also reflects on the Chinese influence in African governments’ clampdown on social media and the role of Israeli NSO Group Technologies, as well as the tactics and technologies which activists and users are deploying to resist or circumvent social media censorship." (Publisher description)
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"In many countries, censorship, blocking of internet access and internet content for political purposes are still part of everyday life. Will filtering, blocking, and hacking replace scissors and black ink? This book argues that only a broader understanding of censorship can effectively protect free
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dom of expression. for centuries, church and state controlled the content available to the public through political, moral and religious censorship. As technology evolved, the legal and political tools were refined, but the classic censorship system continued until the end of the 20th century. However, the myth of total freedom of communication and a law-free space that had been expected with the advent of the internet was soon challenged. the new rulers of the digital world, tech companies, emerged and gained enormous power over free speech and content management. All this happened alongside cautious regulation attempts on the part of various states, either by granting platforms near-total immunity (US) or by setting up new rules that were not fully developed (EU). China has established the Great Firewall and the Golden Shield as a third way. in the book, particular attention is paid to developments since the 2010s, when Internet-related problems began to multiply. the state's solutions have mostly pointed in one direction: towards greater control of platforms and the content they host. Similarities can be found in the US debates, the Chinese and Russian positions on internet sovereignty, and the new European digital regulations (DSA-DMA). The book addresses them all." (Publisher description)
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"In this chapter, international, regional and State-level legal and normative frameworks for responding to online violence against women journalists are examined, while exemplar judgements are catalogued, and gaps in law enforcement are highlighted. Here, insights gleaned from 184 in-depth interview
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s, and responses to the relevant survey questions in the main data corpus are supplemented by relevant examples from other countries, surfaced through extensive desk research. Additionally, the 15 country case studies underpinning the broader study are drawn on to contextualise the discussion." (Pages 4-5)
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"This volume highlights some of the alternative models that have originated in two major Asian democracies, India and South Korea. It compares these two countries’ distinctive approaches through case studies that demonstrate just how much more complex the world will be than the common-place predic
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tion of a battle between U.S.- and Chinese-centric approaches." (Introduction, page 2)
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"Pour faciliter le travail des journalistes, il importe de s’assurer que leur droit de rechercher, d’accéder à l’information, de produire et de publier du contenu d’intérêt public n’est pas restreint. Pour l’avenir de la démocratie et de la presse qui lui est congénitale, il est im
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portant de procéder à une analyse sur les potentiels conflits juridiques qui peuvent découler de l’application de ces nouvelles lois, une fois qu’elles sont confrontées aux législations existantes ou aux normes et bonnes pratiques internationales en la matière. C’est pour procéder à un tel exercice qu’International Media Support (IMS), partenaire de l’étude, dans le cadre de son Programme Sahel (avec le soutien de Danida/la coopération danoise), a confié à l’École Supérieure de Journalisme, des Métiers de l’Internet et de la Communication (E-jicom) la mission de procéder à cette analyse." (Introducion, page 7)
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"This research explored the utility and viability of digital technologies in the production and promotion of critical audio-visual content by creatives. More specifically, it sought to establish regional trends in the creative sector with regard to uptake of technology in the development of critical
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content; highlight policy and regulatory frameworks for digital technologies and their implication to production, promotion and consumption of critical content in East Africa; identify opportunities for policy development and stakeholder engagement in the use of digital technologies in the production and promotion of critical content and provide recommendations to increase uptake of digital technologies for the production of critical audio visual content by makers especially during the COVID-19 pandemic." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"The book compares six different areas of law that have been particularly exposed to global digitality, namely laws regulating consumer contracts, data protection, the media, fnancial markets, criminal activity and intellectual property law. Comparing how these very different areas of law have evolv
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ed with regard to cross-border online situations, the book considers whether cyberlaw is little more than “the law of the horse”, or whether the law of global digitality is indeed special and, if so, what its characteristics across various areas of law are. The book brings together legal academics with expertise in how law has both reacted to and shaped cross-border, global Internet communication and their contributions consider whether it is possible to identify a particular mediality of law in the digital age." (Publisher description)
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"In Thailand, determining what news is true or fake appears to be a political matter. The Thai authorities associate "fake news" with public harm and as a national threat, giving rise to stringent regulatory responses. Official hostility toward "fake news" is influenced by virulent political conflic
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ts that have been played out in off- and online spaces. Since the 2006 coup, various laws to punish those sharing false information and bureaucratic agencies to surveil social media content, have been created. Built on existing legal-bureaucratic tools, the latest anti-fake news regulations will potentially streamline national responses to "fake news" by establishing anti-fake news agencies in every ministry and across 76 governor offices. Such legal-bureaucratic instruments are subject to political misuse through biased identification of false and true information, and discriminatory lawsuits. These are exemplified by the Anti-Fake News Centre whose fact-check system is skewed toward official interpretation of political events, therewith at times dismissing criticisms of the government as false news. In addition, the record of charges against purveyors of "fake news" reveals that opposition politicians and civil society critics are primary targets of the regulatory measures. In contrast, regime-backed cyber troopers who weaponise disinformation against government critics have rarely met the same legal consequences. Political misuse of regulatory measures not only reinforce censorship and autocratic propensities, but also sow public mistrust in official mechanisms to curb disinformation. This sentiment potentially undermines fact-check systems at large, making the public even more vulnerable to disinformation campaigns which genuinely do exist." (Executive summary)
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"Instead of criminalising or otherwise silencing people to address misinformation and disinformation, States should step up their efforts to ensure credible, reliable, objective, evidence-based and accessible information is disseminated to all." (Back cover)
"The spread of social media platforms ushered the beginning of an unprecedented communication era, which is borderless, immediate, widespread, and defies restrictions and censorship. Digital technology aided the spread of democracy and freedom of expression and helped to overthrow some Arab regimes
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in 2011. At that time, it was believed that these platforms paved the way for democracy by allowing citizens to easily circumvent governmental censorship, and by facilitating communication, networking, and organization among activists, thus weakening authoritarian regimes. These assumptions were overly optimistic, as the detours in democratization and political reform in the Arab region over a decade later illustrate. This article tackles the exploitation of new media, and the laws and regulations governing them, by Arab authoritarian regimes to crack down on opponents, activists, and journalists, oftentimes under the mantle of fighting disinformation, using a plethora of techniques. It also illustrates how disinformation could spread rapidly through governmentally orchestrated campaigns via new communication tools, causing serious political consequences and high risks to activists and journalists, while aiding counter revolutions. The constraining implications of these complex phenomena on Arab journalism will be explored, especially in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic." (Abstract)
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"The book offers a critical map to navigate the field of media governance. A thread of cosmopolitan critique connects the fourteen chapters to enhance media governance literature beyond the West and regional foci. The first part addresses the epistemological and ontological flaws in the use and adap
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tation of media governance. The second part opens pathways for critique and provides a thorough understanding of the ambivalences that scholars encounter when addressing media governance as a field of study. The third part highlights shortcomings like geographical narrowness and tensions in the use of media governance concepts. The scholarly contributions show that media governance as a field of study is far from being established: its conceptualizations are in flux and need scholarly self-reflection, and ongoing discussions need to leave behind universalist conceptualizations and methods of analysis. The chapters reflect on hegemony, power, sovereignty, and identity as conceptual center points in media governance research. The book uniquely breaks with self-referential Western academia and is part of ongoing collaborative scholarly efforts towards epistemic transformation through dialogue." (Publisher description)
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"Despite the positive impact of the constitutional reform of 2013 and other previous or related regulations, media policy in Mexico is still faced with numerous challenges. Many objectives of the 2013 reform, in fact, could not be achieved because of a series of secondary laws that have been adopted
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in the meantime. Controversial cases remain unresolved. The Mexican media system thus remains one of the most concentrated in the world. Therefore, more comprehensive economic competition measures and policies are needed (for instance, asymmetric policies by service and not by sector). On the other hand, as the goals of the governments in the media have not been achieved, the digital divide remains wide, which means that vast swathes of the Mexican population do not fully enjoy the benefits of digitization. Part of the reason is that post-reform investments were below expectations, at much lower levels than in other countries (except for a recent investment in a 5G network). Public media remain financially vulnerable as authorities have discretionary power in approving their budget and exert significant influence in their editorial coverage. Moreover, public media remain reluctant to be held accountable." (Conclusion)
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"This book has compiled the tech policy debate into a toolkit for policy makers, legal experts, and academics seeking to address platform dominance and its impact on society today. It discusses the global consensus around technology regulation with recommendations of cutting-edge policy innovations
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from around the world. It also explores the proposed policy toolkit through comprehensive coverage of existing and future policy on data, antitrust, competition, freedom of expression, jurisdiction, fake news, elections, liability, and accountability. The book identifies potential policy impacts on global communication, user rights, public welfare, and economic activity. It outlines a policy framework that address the interlocking challenges of contemporary tech regulation and offer actionable solutions for the technological future." (Publisher description)
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"La Asociación por los Derechos Civiles (ADC) tiene la misión de defender los derechos fundamentales mediante la contribución al diseño de políticas por parte del sector público y privado. Las respuestas de los gobiernos deben promover un espacio público amplio y robusto en internet. Este deb
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er implica asegurar la libertad de expresión de los usuarios, garantizar condiciones favorables para la creación de grupos online (libertad de asociación) y permitir el ejercicio del derecho de protesta en plataformas (libertad de reunión). Al mismo tiempo, las empresas privadas también tienen la obligación de contribuir a dicha finalidad. Las grandes plataformas poseen un amplio poder para determinar las condiciones en que el discurso puede circular a través de internet. La influencia de estas entidades es incluso mayor que la de muchos países y, por lo tanto, su accionar puede impedir seriamente la circulación de ideas y opiniones. De este modo, el sector privado también se encuentra sujeto al deber de respetar los derechos humanos. La crisis sanitaria producida por el Covid-19 y la intensificación de la polarización política alrededor del mundo -con la situación de Estados Unidos como ejemplo central- ha atraído la atención de la ciudadanía acerca del rol de los Estados y las plataformas para abordar fenómenos como la desinformación y el discurso de odio. Las acciones adoptadas por gobiernos y compañías deben ser sometidas a la más estricta evaluación, ya que ellas influenciarán la forma en que el debate público se llevará a cabo en el futuro." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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