"The APWR calls on regional institutions and national government agencies to consider the following recommendations: 1. Standardise commission rates [...]
2. Mandate platforms to provide risk mitigation strategies and safety nets [...]
3. The contracts and/or terms and conditions must be subject to
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the Law of the Land [...]
4. Platforms must integrate anti-discrimination policies, and not punish workers who speak up against discrimination [...]
5. Make provisions for the recognition of worker associations, unions and collective bargaining rights [...] (Pages 7-9)
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"The terms ‘indices’ and ‘indicators’ may immediately cause eyelids to droop. How, then, might they serve to impassion publics and, ultimately, promote social change? This paper examines the extent to which indices and indicators can be considered communication tools for social movements and
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social change. The analysis is based on a 2018 evaluation of one index based in the United States – the Ranking Digital Rights Index, which assesses privacy and freedom of expression in the ICT space – and incorporates interviews with civil society stakeholders. Bringing theory from the fields of journalism and social movements together with the data from the evaluation, the findings suggest indices can serve as useful communication resources for social movements under certain circumstances. In particular, the analysis suggests three communication resources – legitimate information, newsworthy information, and flexible information – that human rights indices are most likely to provide." (Abstract)
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"The majority of scholarship on platform governance focuses on forprofit,corporate social media with highly centralized network structures. Instead, we show how non-centralized platform governance functions in the Mastodon social network. Through an analysis of survey data, Github and Discourse deve
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loper discussions, Mastodon Codes of Conduct, and participant observations, we argue Mastodon’s platform governance is an exemplar of the covenant, a key concept from federalist political theory. We contrast Mastodon’s covenantal federalism platform governance with the contractual form used by corporate social media. We also use covenantal federalist theory to explain how Mastodon’s users, administrators, and developers justify revoking or denying membership in the federation. In doing so, this study sheds new light on the innovations in platform governance that go beyond the corporate/alt-right platform dichotomy." (Abstract)
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"Drawing from rich ethnographic materials and perspectives from both the Global North and South, authors Tiziano Bonini and Emiliano Treré explore how people appropriate and reconfigure algorithms to pursue their objectives in three domains of everyday life: gig work, cultural industries, and polit
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ics. They reveal how forms of algorithmic agency and resistance are endemic and mundane and how the platform society is a contested battleground of contrasting forces. Bonini and Treré begin by outlining their key theoretical framework of moral economies. This framework argues that algorithms exist on a continuum. At its two extremes are two competing moral economies: the user moral economy and the platform moral economy. From here, Algorithms of Resistance chronicles the various inventive ways that individuals can work to achieve agency and resist the ubiquitous power of algorithms." (Publisher description)
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"This paper introduces the concept of ‘oligopolistic platformisation’ to capture the specific dynamics of collaboration and competition between multinational upstream agribusinesses and Big Tech companies in the agricultural (ag) sector. We examine this phenomenon through the lens of Van Dijck e
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t al.’s platform mechanisms: datafication, selection and commodification. Multinational agribusinesses operate sectoral ag platforms that analyse spatial, weather and agronomic data to optimise farming operations, whilst Big Tech companies provide the digital infrastructure, including cloud computing, data analytics and artificial intelligence. We explore how these pre-existing oligopolistic market structures influence the process and outcomes of platformisation in the ag sector. Using expert interviews, field observations, economic relationship mapping and an extensive literature review, we investigate relationships amongst multinational agribusinesses and between agribusinesses and Big Tech companies. Our findings reveal that Big Tech and multinational agribusinesses are collaboratively establishing digital platforms as the core organisational form of digital agriculture, aiming to consolidate most services. This collaboration blurs the lines between traditionally distinct industries, fostering overlapping ecosystems and mutually beneficial economic relationships in an already highly concentrated market. This dynamic has the potential to reinforce the market position of established companies, increase farmers’ dependency on agribusinesses and contribute to fragmented and siloed data systems." (Abstract)
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"In 2011, Alibaba launched the Taobao Villages initiative, which enables rural e-commerce and connects rural sellers with urban buyers, highlighting the role of e-commerce platforms in reducing rural poverty. This approach was later integrated into national rural development policies. As the Digital
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Silk Road initiative progresses and Alibaba expands globally, Taobao Villages’ development experience is being promoted worldwide. Using Taobao Villages as a case study, this paper integrates the agrarian question in Marxian political economy with critical development communication studies. It explores why rural areas’ underdevelopment is perceived as a problem solvable by digital platforms, why this development approach emerged in post-socialist China, and its potential impacts. This paper argues that the Taobao Village exemplifies a dominant paradigm of development communication, produced by Alibaba, development experts, and government officials through shared knowledge practices. It examines the texts, intellectual frameworks, and diffusion processes involved in this knowledge production by employing critical discourse analysis. The study highlights how Taobao Villages reinforce the notion that informatization facilitates marketization, thus perpetuating and adapting three mainstream rural development ideas in post-socialist China. The underlying issue of rural China’s underdevelopment, the privatization and capitalization of rural social reproduction driven by China’s neoliberal globalization, sets the stage for another wave of digital labor exploitation. Furthermore, the widespread neoliberal ideology that advocates using e-commerce to foster social development creates internal challenges and generates external pressures within China." (Abstract)
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"This edition of the Special Collection on the Case Law of Freedom of Expression: Case law on content moderation and freedom of expression is an update of the 2023 Special Collection on content moderation and freedom of expression. It includes cases that have been added to the database in the period
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from July 2023 to August 2024. These new cases include jurisprudence from Brazil, regional European courts, Germany, Japan, India, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United States of America. The cases show a variety of court decisions on content moderation in different parts of the world. In particular, many new decisions about the moderation of (health) misinformation were added to the database. Thus, a new section dedicated to claims requesting the reinstatement of content or accounts, that were removed for allegedly violating misinformation policies, was added (Section II.1.c). Certainly, content moderation reflects current tensions in society. For example, most of the misinformation cases that deal with the falsehood of objective information concern health information during the COVID-19 pandemic. Cases about wrong—and often defamatory—information about individuals are not classified as “misinformation” cases for the purposes of this paper. They are part of a more general section about the removal or reinstatement of content, considering they are at the core of what content moderation has been dealing with for decades. While the law of many jurisdictions around the world penalizes defamation to some (strongly varying) degree, the issue of whether “merely” objectively wrong information should be unlawful is more contested. Thus, the balancing exercises of courts around the world—when dealing with private content moderation decisions in this realm—provide valuable insights." (Introduction)
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"This book addresses the issues raised by digital platforms in the Global South, with an emphasis on the cultural stakes involved. It brings together an interdisciplinary team of researchers - including political economists, socio-economists, geographers, media sociologists or anthropologists - who
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each explore these issues through an insightful case study at a local, national, regional or international scale. While studying the strategies of some of the main US-based Big Tech platforms or video streaming platforms towards the Global South, the chapters also consider the often-neglected active role local or regional actors play in the expansion of those Western digital players, and highlight the existence of a constellation of local or regional platforms that have emerged in Africa, Asia, Latin America or the Middle East. In addition to analysing the complex relationships of competition, collaboration or dependence between these diverse actors, this volume examines the ways in which the rise of these digital platforms has generated new forms of cultural entrepreneurship and participated in the reconfiguring of the conditions in which cultural contents are produced and circulated in the Global South." (Publisher description)
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"Governments have updated penal codes and national security laws, enacted fake news and cybersecurity laws as well as laws that govern internet service providers and technology companies. These laws have widely been used to block and remove online content that call out blind spots in government poli
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cies and to intimidate and prosecute these content creators through hefty fines and jail time. Efforts to hold political office holders and government officials accountable for their policies are increasingly penalised. These government actions have significantly impacted civil society actors in numerous ways. First, individuals and organisations utilising the online sphere to hold government officials and policies accountable have come under intense scrutiny, resulting in the criminalisation of critics and the blocking and removal of online content deemed sensitive by state authorities. Second, the effectiveness of civil society in holding governments accountable is compromised, as state authorities routinely direct internet service providers and technology companies to block or remove online content considered sensitive or illegal. Consequently, individuals and organisations increasingly find their digital content at risk of being blocked or removed, succumbing to government directives to internet service providers and technology companies. This diminishes civil society’s calls for accountability. Third, on several instances, governments have imposed internet shutdowns - particularly during elections and politically sensitive periods - to disrupt the information flow. Ultimately, this has limited civil society’s ability to send and receive communications effectively to mobilise people to hold governments publicly accountable during politically important instances. Fourth, troll ng has surfaced as a mainstream strategy to harass and intimidate individuals and organisations who seek to hold governments accountable. Typically orchestrated by organised groups or cybertroopers, these digital attacks increasingly involve online hate speech directed at women who call out blindspots in government policies. Fifth, the ways of working of INGOs and CSOs have changed, leading many organisations to restrict the scope and assertiveness of their communications to shield themselves from government retribution and trolling. Some entities have opted to remove the visibility of their organisations, incorporating measures such as disallowing the use of their logos or the publishing of videos, photos and text by local partners in order to distance themselves from particular activities and contents of knowledge products. Given these developments, the principal recommendation is that key stakeholders, including international organisations, governments, ISPs and technology companies, and civil society actors, should recognise that criticism of government policies and officials is a legitimate activity and a vital form of expression for civil society. Hence, any measures, whether legal or non-legal, that interfere with or criminalise this legitimate activity should be rescinded or disallowed. Instead, measures should be put in place to ensure that civil society is empowered to call out the blind spots in government policies." (Executive summary)
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"Plattformen konstruieren kulturelle Räume aus Kanälen, Memes, Videos, ‚lo-fi‘ Remixen, Cumbias und ‚piñatas‘. Diese Räume werden in der vorliegenden Studie literatur-, kultur- und medienwissenschaftlich betrachtet, wodurch sich transkulturelle und -mediale Perspektiven auf Konzepte wie
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Kultur und Nation eröffnen. Es werden Dynamiken und Akteure analysiert, welche die Räume der Plattformen auf der Ebene der Infrastruktur gestalten, und solche, die (web)-sprachlich-kulturell Communities und Genres produzieren. Sie reichen von bekannten Politikern und YouTubern bis hin zu indigenen Bewegungen in Mexiko. Die Akteure werden über die Figur des ‚señor YouTube‘, als anthropomorphisierter Uploadfilter, gefasst und als Repräsentationsformen untersucht. Die verschiedenen Dimensionen konvergieren in dieser Figur als gesellschaftliche Diskurse, soziokulturelle Räume und informationstechnische Systeme sowie lokalisieren Mexiko in den Welten der Plattformen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This paper examines the counter-violent extremism and anti-terrorism measures in Australia, China, France, the United Kingdom and the United States by investigating how governments leveraged internet intermediaries as their surrogate censors. Particular attention is paid to how political rhetoric l
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ed to legislation passed or proposed in each of the countries studied, and their respective restrictive measures are compared against the recommendations specified by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression. A typology for international comparison is proposed, which provides further insights into a country’s policy focus." (Abstract)
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"[...] la présente note d’orientation expose les principes potentiels d’un code de conduite qui aidera à guider les États Membres, les plateformes numériques et les autres parties prenantes dans les efforts qu’ils déploient pour rendre l’espace numérique plus inclusif et plus sûr pour
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tous et toutes, tout en défendant vigoureusement le droit à la liberté d’opinion et d’expression ainsi que le droit d’accès à l’information. Le code de conduite portant sur l’intégrité de l’information diffusée sur les plateformes numériques est en cours d’élaboration dans le cadre des préparatifs du Sommet de l’avenir. J’espère qu’il servira de guide dans la formulation de mesures de renforcement de l’intégrité de l’information. Les plateformes numériques sont des outils essentiels qui ont transformé les interactions sociales, culturelles et politiques partout dans le monde, en mettant en relation des citoyens préoccupés par des questions importantes. Grâce à elles, les Nations Unies informent le public et dialoguent directement avec les personnes qui oeuvrent en faveur de la paix, de la dignité et de l’égalité sur une planète saine. Ces plateformes ont donné de l’espoir aux peuples pendant les périodes de crise et de lutte, elles ont amplifié des voix qui n’étaient pas entendues auparavant et fait naître des mouvements mondiaux." (Objet de la présente note, page 2)
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"Das vorliegende Papier soll die Umsetzung des neuen Digital Services Act (DSA) konstruktiv aus einer kinderrechtlichen Perspektive begleiten. Dabei wird gezeigt, welche Potenziale sich aus dem DSA ergeben, um Kinderrechte im Digitalen zu stärken. Im Fokus stehen Anbietermaßnahmen sowie auch Präv
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entions- und Befähigungsanliegen. Dabei wird über Points to Consider erarbeitet, was kinderrechtliche Good- und Best-Practice-Ansätze bei der Erfüllung der Anforderungen des DSA ausmacht." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This annotated bibliography compiles relevant literature on information disorders in Africa published in peer-reviewed academic journals in English. It is organised into several thematic sections, and has a particular focus on Kenya, South Africa and Zimbabwe. While one must not lose sight of the d
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iscursive genealogy of information disorder, its political potency, and history of material arrangements that propagate its discourses, by information disorders we mean processes where rapid technological and media changes provide opportunities for revanchist forces to produce online content to stall democratic social change. Put simply, information disorders feed into de-democratisation processes (cf. Wardle and Derakhshan 2017, also see specific critique by Bontcheva and Posetti 2020). Similarly, Herman Wasserman (2022) speaks of information disorder as a phenomenon that coincides with the collapse of the independent commercial press. This collapse leaves few organised and professional sources of information about society, and can lead to authoritarians taking advantage of the situation. Given the variety of institutional and infrastructural arrangements, there are particular circumstances where platforms may amplify or reduce information disorders." (Introduction)
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"Online and platform content that may cause harm through the breach of human rights is sufficiently widespread to have raised concerns about the potentially severe implications for the future of trust, safety, democracy and sustainable development. A certain amount of this content is curbed by the d
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ominant commercial platforms’ content moderation mechanisms. Much still escapes their nets and in worst cases is algorithmically amplified and even supported by advertising. Some smaller platforms expressly allow hatred and conspiracy theories, even facilitating the organisation of offline attacks on democracy. The roots of the problems lie in : ‘attention economics’, automated advertising systems, external manipulators, company spending priorities and stakeholder knowledge deficits. Of value in addressing these problems will be the development of guidelines for regulating platforms, centred on safeguarding human rights, promoting transparency and limiting the business processes and technical mechanisms that underpin potentially harmful content online." (Key trends uncovered, page 2)
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