"En 2022 se ha observado una ralentización del nivel de la actividad económica (7,2%) en comparación al segundo semestre de 2021 y se pronostica que todavía caerá en 2023 (4,4%), a niveles insuficientes para la recuperación a los niveles pre-crisis. Una combinación de factores dan cuenta de e
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sos resultados, los cuales tienen que ver con el deterioro de la infraestructura y de los servicios básicos (energía, agua, seguridad, telecomunicaciones), el escaso acceso al crédito bancario, la falta de capital humano, el bajo nivel de ingreso real de los consumidores, el bajo crecimiento de la producción petrolera, así como los efectos de algunas sanciones. Si bien se superó la situación de hiperinflación que se produjo desde 2017, Venezuela todavía figura como la economía más inflacionaria del mundo, estimándose que puede cerrar este año 2022 en 125%." (Slide 6)
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"In the late 2010s, the Internet overtook television as the most popular media format in Russia. It was also the time when Russian-speaking YouTube went political: well-known bloggers started producing political content, opposition politicians became the most popular YouTubers, and finally mainstrea
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m journalists migrated to the platform, a move precipitated by Covid-19 isolation when the demand for Russian-speaking content on YouTube skyrocketed. Therefore, it came as no surprise that when the war started it was YouTube that became the main battlefield for independent Russian journalists, including those who had moved out of the country. However, YouTube was also used by Russian propaganda for years with great effect. For that reason, the Russian government was hesitant to block YouTube, unlike other global platforms that Kremlin censors blocked immediately after the war started. That provided time for Russian users to adapt and install censorship circumvention tools. The other platform that was not immediately blocked was Telegram, and Russian journalists didn’t miss that opportunity to talk to their audience either." (Summary, page 4)
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"The fourth edition of the Global State of Democracy Report comes at a time when democracy is under both literal and figurative assault around the world. The steady drumbeat of such warnings—included in the previous edition of this report, which was produced at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic
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always runs the risk of becoming background noise, as today’s crisis can quickly become tomorrow’s new normal. But the dangers are real. Beyond the lingering pandemic, today’s wars and a looming global recession, lies the challenge of climate change and all it entails—severe weather events, the necessary green transition and multi-fold consequences for democratic governance [...] But contrary to what democratic pessimists may suggest, authoritarian countries and alternative systems of government have not outperformed their democratic peers. Discontent at the neverending stream of Chinese lockdowns and the tens of thousands of draft dodgers fleeing Russia for an uncertain existence in the South Caucasus and Central Asia show that it is not just in democracies where the social contract is in urgent need of renewal." (Preface)
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"The level of democracy enjoyed by the average global citizen in 2021 is down to 1989 levels. The last 30 years of democratic advances are now eradicated. Dictatorships are on the rise and harbor 70% of the world population – 5.4 billion people. There are signals that the nature of autocratization
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is changing." (Executive summary)
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"The growth of Russia’s presence across Africa over the last decade has generated significant international concern, further exacerbated after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s engagement can affect the interests and policies of the European Union (EU) and its member states (MS) in Africa
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. How should European policymakers understand these developments and respond to them? To answer this question, this report looks at Russia’s engagement in Africa, reaching three main conclusions.
First, Moscow’s engagement with Africa has so far remained limited as compared to that of other global players, particularly in the economic domain. The current level of (media) attention devoted to Russia’s role in Africa is thus not supported by sufficient evidence of its actual engagement in the continent. At the same time, however, the growth of Russia’s presence is a real trend.
Second, Russian actors are guided by a rather loose strategy when it comes to Africa. The Russian state has some interests that act as a broad framework. However, the actual engagement is carried out not only by state actors, but also by state-backed conglomerates and politically connected private businesses. These latter actors have their own specific interests, which are not always fully aligned with those of the Russian state. While state actors are often driven by geopolitical considerations, Russian companies are more interested in economic opportunities.
Third, Russia’s engagement in African countries is significantly shaped by the different national contexts and by the interests of African governments. For instance, in a strong state like Ethiopia, Russia’s engagement takes place exclusively at the governmental level. By contrast, in Sudan and Mali (contexts with weaker state structures), other Russian actors like private military companies (PMCs) and private businesses are involved. Yet, in all three cases, Moscow’s presence tends to grow when relations between African governments and their international partners (especially in the West) deteriorate, often in the wake of authoritarian turns. This shows the opportunistic nature of Russia’s engagement, as well as the complex trade-offs faced by EU/MS governments when engaging with African governments." (Executive summary)
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"This book presents a new perspective on how Russia projects itself to the world. Distancing itself from familiar, agency-driven International Relations accounts that focus on what 'the Kremlin' is up to and why, it argues for the need to pay attention to deeper, trans-state processes over which the
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Kremlin exerts much less control. Especially important in this context is mediatization, defined as the process by which contemporary social and political practices adopt a media form and follow media-driven logics. In particular, the book emphasizes the logic of the feedback loop or 'recursion', showing how it drives multiple Russian performances of national belonging and nation projection in the digital era. It applies this theory to recent issues, events and scandals that have played out in international arenas ranging from television, through theatre, film, and performance art, to warfare." (Publisher description)
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"El retroceso económico causado por la pandemia no define a la región, sino simplemente acentúa sus características. En otras palabras, en América Latina se han robustecido las razones por las cuales sus pueblos han estado en las calles de sus ciudades, como refleja esta medición 2020 de Latin
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obarómetro, realizada en plena pandemia. Los resultados muestran que no hay ilusión, no se ha disipado el malestar anterior, sino que parece reafirmarse la decisión de no ceder en la demanda de una vida mejor. En este escenario, todas las demandas se vuelven más inelásticas. La pandemia puso en el celular de cada persona, las redes sociales y a través de las pantallas de la televisión, la imagen del mundo, como viven y son tratados los ciudadanos en otras partes del planeta. Se universalizó la demanda de “¡Dignidad Ya!”. El aumento de la conexión de Internet produce una revolución social al enseñarle al más analfabeto de los ciudadanos de la región, que lo tratan mal, que es discriminado, que tiene derechos y que puede reclamarlos. En ese sentido, la pandemia termina siendo una lección de humanidad y de democracia, del derecho a ser tratado como igual, toda vez que cada persona observa cómo funcionan las sociedades en otras latitudes. Por primera vez masivamente, el ciudadano toma consciencia de su condición y aprende qué hacer con ella." (Página 5-6)
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"There is a heated debate about the social-sustainability implications of infrastructure. We engage this debate by delving into China’s Digital Silk Road (DSR), an important component of China’s infrastructure-centric Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Optimists and pessimists have offered strong v
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iews about the DSR’s social-sustainability implications. Unfortunately, there is a dearth of analytical tools and in-depth studies which can be used to judge their competing arguments. In this article, we address these problems in two ways. First, we advance an original scheme for operationalizing social sustainability. Second, we use our framework to systematically analyze the DSR’s social-sustainability effects in Ethiopia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, and Hungary. Our research indicates that much of the positive and negative commentary about the DSR’s social-sustainability implications is problematic. None of our cases show significant year-to-year changes in political or quality-of-life social-sustainability benchmarks. Indeed, our analysis indicates that analysts must pay close attention to the political and economic context to understand the social-sustainability patterns associated with DSR infrastructure. Finally, it suggests that the social-sustainability implications of DSR infrastructure are dependent on its scale and nature. These findings have ramifications for broader debates about the socioeconomic impact of infrastructure." (Abstract)
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"This paper brings together 7 case studies on closing democratic space by experts from countries in Latin America, Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa as well as examples from Europe. The paper concludes with actionable recommendations for preventing and reacting to closing democratic space. Three
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broad tactics to close democratic space were identified in the research that we suggest as a framework of analysis for understanding closing democratic space. These are: 1. Restricting civic space (particularly freedom of expression, assembly and association) with various legal, administrative, extra-legal and political measures, and thereby inhibiting the proper functioning of media outlets, emerging political (opposition) forces, and civil society organisations (CSOs); 2. Changing the rules of the game so as to create an uneven playing field for political contestation. This includes the abuse of state resources by the incumbent, skewed reforms in political party and electoral legislation, and one-sided private and illicit financing in campaigning; 3. Undermining the separation of powers, notably the independence of the judiciary, and thereby politicising legal processes, and allowing impunity and violence to shape the activities of citizens, media actors and CSOs." (Executive summary, page 4-5)
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"This book Globalance looks specifically at balancing values in global politics and global economics. Globalance, the title and topic of this book, is the alternative to the disorder of the world. ‘Globalance’ was in fact my main underlying passion and vision during the last four decades of my l
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ife and work in academic research, as journalist, in global development cooperation and the Globethics.net foundation." (Introduction, page 24)
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"Latin American comics and graphic novels have a unique history of addressing controversial political, cultural, and social issues. This volume presents new perspectives on how comics on and from Latin America both view and express memory formation on major historical events and processes. The contr
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ibutors, from a variety of disciplines including literary theory, cultural studies, and history, explore topics including national identity construction, narratives of resistance to colonialism and imperialism, the construction of revolutionary traditions, and the legacies of authoritarianism and political violence. The chapters offer a background history of comics and graphic novels in the region, and survey a range of countries and artists such as Joaquín Salvador Lavado (a.k.a Quino), Hector G. Oesterheld, and Juan Acevedo. They also highlight the unique ability of this art and literary form to succinctly render memory. In sum, this volume offers in-depth analysis of an understudied, yet key literary genre in Latin American memory studies and documents the essential role of comics during the transition from dictatorship to democracy." (Publisher description)
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